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Thank you for listening to Pictures Media
Radio. Welcome to Policy and Rights,

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the show about the government, Policy
and human rights. Welcome back to Policy

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and Writes. Here in Depictions of
Media Radio. I'm your host Michael Kloggs

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in a sect saying we're going to
go back to the International Court of Justice

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as their continuing hearings on Israel and
Palestine. What Israel's policies are as a

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government in dealing with Palestine, not
only Gazo but all of Palestine with respects

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to colonialism and occupation and settlements.
We're going to hear some arguments for a

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two state solution and other policies that
could be instituted to maybe help settle a

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peace and help Palestine find sovereignty.
There are some questions about is Israel trying

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to prevent Palestine from having sovereignty?
And what are the real policies in dealing

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with the Palaestinian people and the settlements
that are developed in the Palestine's Palestinian territories.

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How far is it that Israel is
going to be allowed to go with

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settlements and corraling in the Palaestinian people. So we're going to hit this next

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segment is is Kuwait making statements about
what is happening there, and according to

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the rules of the presentation for the
court itself and to keep things timely,

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the presentation itself is going to be
thirty minutes, and it is advise and

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uh strictly here to to keep to
that. With that thirty minutes, they

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don't allow for a lot of overtime. So in the next thirty minute segment,

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you're gonna hear testimony from legal minds
in Kuwait as they talk about different

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issues around colonialism and the policies that
israel Is is imposing on Palestine. And

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we're gonna hear some parallels being drawn
with different other areas where sovereignty was given

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through through this particular court to different
areas around the world. So why don't

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we listen in and as we as
Kuwait makes testimony at the International Court of

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Justice. So the Court meets this
afternoon to hear quait Lebanon, Libya,

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Luxembourg, Malaysia and Mauritius on the
questions submitted to it by the United Nations

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Javre Assembly. Let me one more
time recall that each delegation is kindly asked

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to respect the thirty minute time allocation
for its presentation this afternoon. The Court

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will observe a short break after the
presentation of Libya. I shall now give

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the flow to the Plant of Kuwait. His Excellency Mister Ali Ahmad Braheim al

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da Fried, You have the floor, Excellency Rahim, as the President,

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Honorable members of the Court, it
is a great honor to appear before you

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as the agent of the State of
Kuwait and these proceedings. Kuwait deeply appreciate

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the extraordinary offered taking by the Court
to all others hearing to proceed smoothly in

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light of the great number of participants. The Court advisory proceedings are of extreme

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importance to the Bostilian people, Kuwait, the international legal order, and the

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international community as a whole. Kuwait
has always advocated that peace fosters the observance

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of law and vice versa. Adhering
adherence to dieted National Charter is an indispensable

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prerequisite for the definitive establishment of national
peace. Indeed, peastful relations are founded

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on accepted rules and as as such, peaceful relations among the states are based

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on the provisions of the United Nations
Charter. These include, notably the principle

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of no news of force and the
peaceful settlement of disputes. These rules apply

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to all states. Respect for these
fundamental rules contribute to the consolidation of international

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peace. Regardably, the above mentioned
foundational rules have not been upheld in the

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case of Palestine. The conflict between
the Palestinian and Israel, hereafter referred to

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as the Accubying Bower, is an
illegal accubation conflict involving on one side an

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accubying bower equipped with all military means, and the other side an occupied nation

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without defensive capabilities, facing daily expulsion, human rights violation, and all sufferings

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associated with any accuvation situation. Over
the bust decades, situation between the ballot

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Senians and the occupying Bower has been
extremely tense, resulting in a serious human

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right law and human enial law violation
committed by the letter. Various untur governmental

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and non governmental organization organizations have committed
have decammented these violations by publishing comprehensive reports.

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This climate of violence compromises any possibility
of reasonably discussing ratiootistic This is further

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exacerbated by the recent development in Gaza. The occupying bower has ways and in

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the war on the Balestinians and Ghazam, characterized by numerous international law violations.

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The ongoing flagrant violations have been highlighted
in a series of statement issued, among

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others by the Yuan Secretary General,
the Yuan High Commissioner for Human Rights and

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the Special Procedures of the Yuan Human
Rights Council then presented violence and gaza as

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a result of fifty seven years of
a legal occupation of the Balestinian territories and

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it must stop. The late a
mirror of the set of Kuwait, His

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High chehah MEDL Jabber Sabah sabaize this
situation in twenty eighteen by stating, we

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asked the whole world by stating,
God, we sorry, mister pison God,

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why do we ignore I do not
eplement Security Council resolutions? Why we

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ask the whole world? Why the
Brazilian people blight continues? Why the international

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community incapable of resolving this cause?
Why does the victims continue to be portrayed?

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H h yeah, m hm,
m hmmm. Why does the victim?

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Why does the victim continue to be
portrayed as a killer. According to

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Result's nerds. Why does is why
I always escape punishment? Why have all

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these souls been lost? A bid
absence of word conscious? Sorry, mister

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President, that's a president, Distinguished
members of the Court. It is in

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this context that Quates appears for the
first time before the Court, following the

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adoption by the Young General Assembly of
the seven seven two four seven, the

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questioning the Court to deliver an advisory
opinion on two legal questions. The first

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question asked the Court to evaluate the
illegality of the occupying bobbers specific policies and

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actions within within its occupation of the
Balistonian territories, while seeking the Court's determination

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of irresponding legal ramification. The second
question addresses a cour issue, has the

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eccuation become illegal? Quate with demestery
the illegality of this accupation under scoring the

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necessity of its cessation. Mister President, ornamble members of the Court, My

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distinguished Police will now address this issue
in these issues in a great and greater

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depth. Second verse has excellency versus
Excellency Ambassador tar Alban Nai Burmet, Representative

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of Kuwait, to the end will
address why the Court does have the addiction

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to deliver the advisory opinion the question
by the u Entiary by the and General

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Assemble Assembly. He will also highlight
certain legal practices and policies of the occupying

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bower. Second, Her Excellencitanian Nasa
Assistance, Foreign Minister for for Legal Affairs

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of Kuwait, will start by enumerating
the grounds proving the illegality of the occupation

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of the Balestinian territories, hereafter refaired
as to us the obit. She will

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then focus on the legal consequences arising
from the breaches of those fundamental rules,

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and finally, she will provide the
Court with a certain concluding remarks. President,

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Honorable members of the Court, for
the privilege of admitting before you,

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and now kindly ask him. It's
a president to invite Ambassador Alban nine to

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address the Court. I think his
excellency mister as the fury. I now

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give the floor to the Excellency mister
Alban Nin. You have the floor,

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Excellency, Miss President, Honorable members
of the Court, it is a tremendous

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honor and privilege to appear before you
on behalf of the State of Kuwait.

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Twenty years have passed since the Seminole
Wall Advisory Opinion today in these current proceedings,

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the question of the illegality of the
occupation of the Palestinian territory is directly

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before the Court. With your permission, I turn now to my first topic,

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focusing on whether the Court has jurisdiction
to render the advisory opinion requested.

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In Quate's view, the answer is
a categorical yes. Indeed, the majority

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of submissions in these proceedings argue in
favor of the Court's jurisdiction. Article sixty

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five of the Statute of the Court
provides that the Court might render an advisory

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opinion and I quote on any legal
question at the request of any organ or

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institution authorized by the Charter of the
United Nations, or in accordance with its

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provisions to request such an opinion.
In turn, Article ninety six of the

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UN Charter quote, the General Assembly
or the Security Council may request the International

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Court of Justice for an advisory opinion
on any legal question quote. In practice,

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it is primarily the General Assembly that
has most frequent utilized this procedure to

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date. After all, when the
General Assembly decides to request the Court to

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deliver an advisory opinion, this means
that the request reflects an important concern of

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the international community seeking a legal answer. The Court itself observed that the General

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Assembly, within the scope of its
peacekeeping responsibilities, has a broader perspective than

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that of the Security Council, as
it also considers humanitarian, social and economic

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aspects. An attentive look at the
Court's jurisprudence points to the fact that quote,

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only compelling reasons may lead the Court
to refuse its opinion in response to

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a request falling within its jurisdiction unquote. Although the Court has the discretionary power

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to refuse to respond to a request
for an advisory opinion for reasons of judicial

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propriety, it has not availed itself
of this option thus far. In the

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present case, it is incontestable that
the questions included in the relevant General Assembly

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resolution are clearly specific questions of legal
character. Any attempt to qualify them as

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nonspecific or non legal should fail.
It is worth noting that the Court in

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the Wall Advisory Opinion rejected similar attempts
in essence. In the Wall Advisory Opinion,

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the central issue revolved around the construction
of the wall and its impact on

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the right to self determination of the
Palestinian people. Twenty years later, the

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context has broadened substantially. The Court
is now tasked with determining the legal status

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of the ongoing occupation of the occupied
Palestinian territory since nineteen sixty seven, given

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its persistence for over fifty seven years. Prior to addressing the next topic,

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I feel compelled to briefly refer to
an argument certain states have made, fallaciously

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alleging that the issuance of an advisory
opinion might undermine ongoing negotiations and peace processes.

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This argument, Mister President, Honorable
Members of the Court, is groundless

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and without merit. Quait has always
underscored the importance of resuming peace negotiations with

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a view of reaching a just and
comprehensive peace based on the terms of reference

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of the peace process, the resolutions
of the Security Council and the Arab Peace

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Initiative. However, the relevant UN
resolutions and the Wall Advisory Opinion may clear

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any negotiations that take place must have
as their objective the achievement of a just

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and lasting peace in accordance with international
law. The Court has an important role

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to play in this regard by stating
what the applicable rules of international law are

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including the rights and obligations of the
relevant parties, all States and the United

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Nations. This is exactly the first
purpose of the UN General Assembly resolution requesting

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the Court to deliver an advisory opinion. By doing so, the Court may

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in fact help revive negotiations and inspire
a return to a peace process premised on

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international law. After all, the
Court's advisory opinions shed light on complicated legal

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issues, appeasing tensions, uncertainties and
potential disputes. Mister President, Honorable Members

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of the Court, I will now
address our second topic, providing you with

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examples of the occupying powers, unlawful
and egregious policies and practices in the opt

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In the interest of time, I
will limit my presentation to three policies which

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demonstrate the true nature of the illegal
occupation. The first is forced displacement,

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the second relates to the illegal settlements
on and the annexation of the Palestinian territory,

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and the third is discrimination at a
scale and nature that amounts to appetite.

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The remaining issues were discussed thoroughly in
the written submission of Kuwait in the

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nineteen forty eight NECBA seven hundred and
fifty thousand Palestinians were forcibly displaced, and

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since then millions more. The situation
has deteriorated exponentially. Since the illegal occupation

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started in nineteen sixty seven, the
occupying power has engaged in a forced displacement

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campaign against the Palestinians by demolishing their
homes and confiscating their lands. Force displacement

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violates international law. The occupying power
is under the obligation to ensure that its

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operations in the OPT comply with the
Forced Geneva Convention of nineteen forty nine relative

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to the protection of civilians persons in
time of war to which it is a

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party. Article forty nine of this
convention clearly prohibits quote forcible transfers individual or

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mass, regardless of their motive,
quote, which includes forced displacements as well

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as expulsions from the OPT. Furthermore
are Article fifty three of the same instrument

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prohibits the destruction of property. Finally, under Article one four seven, illegal

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transfers, destruction and appropriation of property
carried out on a large scale is prohibited.

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As Kuwait explained in its written submission, the occupying power has also committed

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other grave violations of international law,
including the policy of settling parts of its

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population in the opt This unlawful policy
has and continues to be deplorably promoted by

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the successive governments of the occupying power. Since nineteen sixty seven, the occupying

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power has embarked on an intensive campaign
of colonization. Some settlements consisted of just

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a few prefabricated houses, while others
expanded to become fully fledged small towns.

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In early twenty twenty three, there
were around seven hundred and thirty thousand Israeli

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settlers and over two hundred and eighty
Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank,

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including two hundred and thirty thousand settlers
in East Jerusalem. These settlements are sustained

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by a network of military checkpoints and
restricted zones, as well as Jewish only

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roads and highways, all of which
limit gravely the lives and livelihoods of Palestinians

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and violate their fundamental human rights.
Both the construction of settlements and the transfer

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of settlers to the West Bank and
Razze are grave violations of international law,

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in particular Article forty nine of the
Fourth Geneva Convention, which states that I

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quote the occupying power shall not deport
or tryans for parts of its own civilian

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population into the territory it occupies.
It is also noteworthy, Mister President,

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that settlers in the opt are not
governed by the same laws that apply to

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the indigenous inhabitants of the territory.
Jewish settlers are provided with special rights,

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facilities, and subsidies that are denied
to the indigenous Palestinian population. The occupying

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policy not only supports the existing settlers, but also incentivizes new settlers. The

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discriminatory policies and practice also violate the
sovereignty of Palestinians over their natural resources,

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allowing the settlers and foreign companies to
exploit the water and agricultural products of the

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occupied land without any benefit to the
occupied population. It is widely recognized that

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the occupying power has codified its discriminatory
policies and practices against Palestinians in its legislation.

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Specifically, it grants rights to Israeli
Jews and systematically discriminates against Palestinians.

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For instance, the Land Acquisition Law
of nineteen fifty three facilitates the alienation of

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confiscated Palestinian land for the benefit of
various institutions of the occupying power Quasai public

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organizations such as the Jewish Agency,
engage in material discrimination, in particular through

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the allocation of confiscated Palestinian land to
Israeli Jews. Mister President, honorable members

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of the Court, thank you for
your kind attention, and may I kindly

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ask that you invite her excellency to
Hani al Laser to the podium. I

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think it's excellence, mister Alabana,
and now i'd give the floor to the

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Excellency Missus Dahani Nasir. You have
the flow of accidency. Thank you,

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mister Presidents, distinguished members of the
Court. It's a great honor and a

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privilege to appear before you on behalf
of of Kuwait and the written submissions.

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The great majority of a state's participating
in these proceedings, along with the three

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intergovernmental organizations, concluded that the occupation
of the Opit is illegal. Kuwait firmly

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agrees with this view and its threatened
submission. Kuwait identified several reasons proofing the

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illegality of this occupation. I will
provide a brief overview of these reasons for

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the Court. The occupation violates a
series of use code and s norms.

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First, the obligation to respect the
right to self determination of the Palestinian people.

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The right of people to self determinate
is a writing clearly recognized in international

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law, as evidenced by several instruments, and as submitted by thirty five estates

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and international organizations participating in these proceedings. This is articulated in Article one two

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of the UN Charter, which define
the purposes of the United Nations, including

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quote to develop friendly relations among nations
based on respect for the principle of equal

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rights and self determination of peoples,
and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen

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a universal peace. The same obligations
are expressed in Article one of the International

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Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and
the International Covenant on Economic, Social and

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Cultural Rights. Second, Kuway joined
their participants in these proceedings, who have

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concluded in their written submission that the
ongoing military occupation of the Open is illegal

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because it violates the use Cogen's prohibition
on the use of force. Third,

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the occupying power by confiscating and annexing
parts of the opit violates the prohibition on

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the acquisition of territory by force.
This was underscored by thirty eight participants in

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the retin proceedings. This fundamental norm
was incorporated into in Security Council Resolution two

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four two of nineteen sixty seven and
reaffirmed in Security Council Resolution three three eight

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of nineteen seventy three. Accordingly,
the occupying power does not have the right

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to claim sovereignty over the Opit occupied
since nineteen sixty seven. For the occupation

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is illegal because it obviously violates the
law of military occupation. For instance,

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the occupation of the Opit is not
of minimal duration. Facts clearly demonstrate that

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it is intended to be prolonged and
ultimately permanent. A permanent occupation constitutes a

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serious violation of international law. Based
on the verifiable evidence available to us,

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it's indisputable that this is precisely what
is happening in the Opit. This a

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prolonged occupation and identified violation of this
of the Palestinian's right to self determination renders

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the occupation illegal. Moreover, the
conduct of the occupying power in the Opit

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violates the rules of international humanitarian law. In the World Advisory Opinion, the

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Court is stated that the Fourth Geneva
Convention is applicable in the occupied Palestinian territories.

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The Court also determined that the Hager
relations are reflective of customary international law

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and thus applicable to the conduct of
the occupying power in the Opit. Far

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from complying with the law of equips, the actions of the occupying power disregard

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international law. These actions include,
inter alia, the establishment of settlements in

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the opity, confiscation of Palestinian public
and a private property, and its failure

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to protect Palestinians from violence caused by
state actors and private parties, including inter

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alia armed illegal settlers. Finally,
the occupation violates the use Cogen's prohibition of

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apartheid. Twenty one participants in these
proceedings supported this and their written submissions,

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while fourteen maintained that the situation of
apartheid qualifies the occupation as illegal under international

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law. The prohibition of apartheid is
evidenced and various sources of international law.

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The occupying power is bound by the
nineteen sixty five Convention on the Elimination of

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All Forms of Racial Discrimination to which
it is party. Furthermore, it shall

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abide by the prohibition of apartheid as
enshrined in nineteen seventy three International Convention on

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the Suppression and the Punishment of the
Crime of Apartheid, which codifies customary international

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law. Several voices and independence independence
experts have warned that the occupation of the

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00:30:21.759 --> 00:30:26.319
opt amounts to a regime of apartheid. For instance, in March twenty twenty

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one, twenty two, the Special
Reporter on the Situation of Human Rights in

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the Palestinian Territories occupied since nineteen sixty
seven and his report reached a similar conclusion.

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Kuwait respectively suggested that the above violations
cannot be reconciliated with the fundamental rules

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of international law. Hence, the
occupation must be declared illegal in accordance with

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international law and the relevant UN Security
Council resolution. It must stop. This

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will guarantee the right of the Palestinian
people to be vailable state and along nineteen

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sixty seven borders with East Jerusalem at
its capital. Mister President, Members of

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the Court, the legal analysis of
the question involving these advisory proceedings demonstrate that

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the occupation of the OPIT is illegal
in contravention of the fundamental rules of international

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law. It has written. Submission. Kuwait did address the legal consequences arising

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from the occupying powers numerous and long
standing violations of these rules. Please allow

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00:31:29.039 --> 00:31:33.000
me to provide with this with a
view do assembly. As indicated, the

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action of the occupying power and the
occupation as a whole are plinarily incompatible with

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the rights of the Palestinian people and
obligations of the occupying power under international law.

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It's the preaches of these rights and
obligation engage the occupying powers international responsibility.

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The occupying power must therefore take several
measures. First, it must provide

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Palestinians with relief in accordance with the
principles of customary international law on the responsibility

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of states for internationally wrongful acts.
This must be achieved through the immediate cessation

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of its illegal occupation. Second,
the occupying power must give assurance and guarantees

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of non repetition of its international law
violations. The occupying power shall commit its

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00:32:24.160 --> 00:32:30.079
power shall commit itself to not repeating
the same preachers in the future. Finally,

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the occupying power is under the obligation
to make full reparation for the injury

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caused by its occupation and discriminatory policies
and practices. As for all other states.

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There are obliged to refrain from acknowledging
the legality of the situation created by

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the illegal occupation and associated illegal policies
and practices. They shall also abstain from

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offering support or assistant to sustain the
circumstances stemming from the lawful occupation and associated

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actions. Third, the State shall
also contribute to safeguarding the Palestinian population against

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war crimes, genocide and the crimes
against the humanity, and ensure that those

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responsible for crimes committed within the framework
of illegal occupation are held accountable. In

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turn, the UN shall refrain from
acknowledging the legality of the situation resulting from

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the illegal occupation and associated associated actions. The UN shall also refrain from offering

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support or assistant to prolong the situation, and should instead corporate to bring an

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end to the illegal corporate occupation.
Mister President, Honorable Members of the Court,

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the Court's advisory opinion is now more
than ever necessary to put an end

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to the illegal occupation of the opity. Kuwait has sought to concisely summarize the

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grounds for finding that the occupation is
illegal as a whole, and submits that

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each ground of illegality shall form part
of the Court's dispositive. We are confident

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that the Court will assess kuwait written
submission and oral statement as an expression of

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its faith and justice, its support
for the rule of law, and its

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00:34:15.920 --> 00:34:20.719
desire for peace for all states in
the region. Mister President, Honorable members

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00:34:20.760 --> 00:34:25.079
of the Court, this ends kuwaits
oral statement. Kindly allow me, on

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00:34:25.199 --> 00:34:30.000
behalf of Kuwait's delegation to thank the
Court for its kind attention, as well

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as the Registry staff and the interpreter
for all their support. Thank you very

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much. There are a lot of
questions around how should Israel be dealing with

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palasigning, and of course its neighbors
around its real does and should be given

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the rate to defend itself and to
keep its citizens safe. Because most of

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Israel follow the Jewish faith and religion, there should be some way of protecting

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them from those who want to strike
against Israel just because of their hatred for

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Judaism. But at the same time, should Israel be allowed to impose hatred

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on other countries that's around them?
Should they be allowed to use tools of

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war to impose hatred on their own
neighbors. It's a good question. Where

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does the line get drawn between protection
and defense and the line begin of hatred

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and destruction of others. Hopefully the
International Court and our global community will help

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decide where that line is drawn,
and hopefully Israel will find themselves to build

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policies that observe where that protection and
defense should be and where hatred begins,

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and they stay within the stay away
from the hatred, and only use protection.

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Thank you for listening to Policy and
Rice today. I'm your host,

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00:36:50.960 --> 00:36:53.840
Michael Cloggs, and I do ask
that you find it subscribe button wherever it

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00:36:53.920 --> 00:37:37.599
may be. The show has been
produced by Depictions Media. Please contact us

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00:37:37.920 --> 00:37:40.239
at depictions dot media for more information

