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And we're back with another edition of
the Federalist Radio Hour. I'm Matt Kittle's

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senior elections correspondent at The Federalist and
your experienced Shirpa on today's Quest for Knowledge.

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As always, you can email the
show at radio at the Federalist dot

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com, follow us on x at
FDR LST, make sure to subscribe wherever

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you download your podcast, and of
course to the premium version of our website

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as well. I'm joined today by
Janine Unis. She is legal Litigation council

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for the New Civil Liberties Alliance,
the organization that represented the private plaintiffs in

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the jaw Boning case jaw dropping case, at least as far as the ruling

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is concerned, Murphy versus Missouri.
He joins us now to talk about the

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Supreme Court ruling and what it means
for free speech in big tech dominated America.

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Janine, thanks so much for joining
us on the Federalist Radio Hour.

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Thank you so much for having me. First of all, this was stunning

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to me as a journalist, a
long time journalist, longer than I would

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like to acknowledge in this podcast,
as someone who has made his living off

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of the First Amendment, this to
me seems like a direct assault on the

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First Amendment free speech, those first
primary rights that most of us just take

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for granted. But what was surprising
to me as well, as this was

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decided in a six' to three
majority decision based on standing. Before we

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get there, let's talk about this
case and what it ultimately is all about

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for those who have not closely followed
it. Berthy versus Missouri, of course,

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is all about what I like to
consider the deep state, big government

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getting involved meddling into you know,
big tech social network platform so to speak.

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More than anything, they are content
providers, Let's be clear on that.

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But of course, during twenty twenty, the election, the COVID era,

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all kinds of blocking of valuable and
what turned out to be true factual

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information regarding COVID restrictions and you know, election critical election information. The court

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ruling today says that the plaintiffs in
the case have no standing, even as

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they did acknowledge that there clearly could
be some abuses here with the federal government

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working hand in hand with big tech. What was your first response as a

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litigator in this case. Well,
so, I wasn't particularly surprised after watching

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the argument. In fact, I
sort of thought that they were going to

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duck the merits question and do away
with it on standing. In a way,

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I was a little bit pleasantly surprised, which might sound counterintuitive, but

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I was worried based on when I
saw the argument that they were going to

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say the government can do this,
and I think that would have been more

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devastating for the First Amendment. This
poses a lot of problems because it makes

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it very difficult to bring a case. So I think Justice Alito had a

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very good line in his dissent where
he said, if a course of campaign

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is carried out with enough sophistication,
it may get by, And I sort

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of think that's what the Court has
greenlighted today. Yeah, so we're going

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to get to I think a stinging
rebuke by Justice Alido of the majority in

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this case momentarily, But how does
the Supreme Court, the majority argue that

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the plaintiffs that you represent in particular, have no standing in this case.

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So basically what they say is that
because our plaintiffs can't produce evidence that they

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were censored they specifically were censored because
of the government, they don't have standing.

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They can show that they were censored
on the sort of topics that the

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government was demanding censorship about, but
they were never mentioned in an email,

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for instance, and I was worried
that the court was going to do that.

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I actually had a similar case before
this one called ching Gheezi versus HHS,

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which wound up in the Sixth Circuit, and that we were dismissed on

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that basis. And actually the Missouri
and Louisiana who originally brought the suit asked

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made to join and represent private plaintiffs
because I brought that lawsuit which raised you

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know, sort of based on similar
premises. So they knew that I was

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familiar with the legal arguments and that
I believed very strongly in the merits.

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So I mean, it's a big
problem for the First Amendment. Another thing

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to note is that this was in
the context of a preliminary injunction, which

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is emergency relief. So they also
said that, you know, the plaintiffs

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couln't show that they would suffer future
harm, which is one of the factors

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that you look at when issuing a
preliminary injunction, that perhaps won't be a

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problem when we get to the merit
stage, when we go back to the

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district court to pursue the case on
the merits. Well, it's interesting to

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me to say that they can't prove
future harm. I think we can take

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a look at the future by what
has happened in the past. In her

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majority opinion, as my colleague at
the Federalist Shawn Fleetwood rites Cony Barrett,

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Justice Amy Cony Barrett wrote that at
this stage of litigation, plaintiffs have quote

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not established standing to seek an injunction, as you note, against the named

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federal agencies, and that is such, the Supreme Court lacks jurisdiction to reach

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the merits of dispute. She goes
on to write, the plaintiffs, without

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any concrete link between their injuries and
the defendant's conduct, ask us to conduct

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a review of the year's long communications
between dozens of federal officials across different agencies

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with different social media platforms about different
topics. This court standing doctrine prevents us

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from exercising such general legal oversight of
the other branches of government. We therefore

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reverse the judgment of the Fifth Circuit
and remand the case for further proceedings consistent

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with this opinion. As you note, we had a District Court ruling on

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the fourth of July last year that
said, you know, this appears to

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be among the more egregious assaults in
the first Amendment that we've seen. We

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had a Fifth Circuit that said,
yes, we agree with you, but

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we're going to rain this decision in
just a bit to a handful of affecting

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a handful of government agencies. But
again, for those who have followed this

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case, it is I think the
word is galling to suggest that nobody was

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hurt in this case. The American
public in general was hurt in this case,

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right, well, sort of to
play devil's advocate, and obviously I

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agree with her with you, but
I guess she's saying, you can't show

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that you were hurt because of the
government. You might have been hurt because

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of the platforms, but they did
have their own content moderation policies. They

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were censoring people. But this was
also based on some factual errors. And

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as you noted in the portion that
you read, she basically said, we

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didn't conduct the review of the record
that the Distort Court did. The Distort

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Court really got into the facts,
it really understood it. This is a

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very very voluminous record that shows dozens
of agencies, probably close to it at

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this point, close to one hundred
federal officials that we know of, who

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were colluding with coercing, pressuring,
influencing the companies to effectuate their censorship desires

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essentially. So I and you know, when I read the way they recounted

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the facts, I thought, Okay, it sounds like they read the government's

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brief and just believed everything they said. And you know, I don't think

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that the government portrayed the facts accurately. There were numerous occasions on which the

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platforms and the majority got this wrong. I think the platforms said, basically,

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we're going to censor more people,
We're going to interpret our policies more

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broadly, or we're going to change
our policies because we're under pressure from the

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government, especially the White House,
but federal agencies as well well. I

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must tell you it makes me worried
about the Chevron case up if they're so

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easily going to defer to the experts
of the government, and that's what the

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Chevron case is really all about,
is reigning in the government experts, so

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to speak, and not believing what
the experts have told us, And really,

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isn't that, Janine. At the
core of this case is that we

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were told by the government experts.
The government experts told the social media outlets,

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the content providers in social media what
to do, what not to do,

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social media outlets in so many cases
followed along. I mean, this

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really is the core issue behind believing
the experts during COVID and the elections and

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the lockdowns and all kinds of different
issues. That's right, Although I wouldn't

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be as worried about the Chevron case
because that argument went much better for the

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plaintiffs, which by the way,
represents some of those too, so more

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anticipating that decision. Yeah, and
for full disclosure, your office, your

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organization also represents the Federalist in a
particular case as well, so we should

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note that. Right, we'll talk
about your organization in the many different areas

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of liberty issues that you're dealing with. But obviously the stunning case for the

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First Amendment is this. But no, again, speaking to the core issue

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here is that now the government seems
to get a free pass to decide what

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is again disinformation and appropriate information.
Well, just to give you a little

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bit of hope, first of all, we are not giving up. So

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the case is still you know,
we're pursuing it on the merits stage in

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the district court, and we want
to get more discovery, and you know,

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to the extent they're saying, well, you don't have this. You

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can't show that Jill Hines, for
instance, is one of our plaintiffs who

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they said became the closest to proving
standing. You can't quite show that causal

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connection between what the government was demanding
and her being censored. Well, we're

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going to go back and we're going
to try to get those documents. And

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the district court has shown that it
believes in our case and it saw that,

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you know, it said this is
the most arguably the most massive attack

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on free speech in the history of
the United States, which I agree with

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the you know, the federal government
was censoring entire narratives, entire lines of

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thought. If you questioned the efficacy
of the vaccines in twenty twenty one,

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even if you are a vaccine expert
like our client Martin Kuldorf, you would

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be censored on social media as he
was. The fact that he can't have,

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you know, produce an email from
a government official telling Facebook or Twitter

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to censor Martin Kuldorf. Is that
that is you know, they're saying that

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sinks his standing is absurd. How
is he supposed to get that without without

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you know, much more discovery.
I mean, they're making it very difficult

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to bring the case, but they're
not making it impossible. And there so

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one of the reasons I sort of
anticipated this was, I don't know if

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you were aware that the so RFK
Junior has moved to join our case in

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the district court, and his motion
was granted. We didn't oppose it.

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He sought to join in the in
the Supreme Court at a late stage and

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we did oppose the x. We
said, basically, you know this is

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we're way too far along for you
to join. And the court denied his

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application, but Alito dissented and basically
implied, some of my fellow members of

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the court might have issues with standing, so you should let him join to

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avoid losing the case on that basis. And for those who don't know,

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there were explicit emails from officials within
the federal government demanding that RFK Junior be

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removed from social media alone, and
then he was mentioned as a member of

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the Disinformation doesn't, and they were
then the disinformation doesn't which included him,

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was then removed. Just amazing,
And so do you believe that had Alito's

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Alito's take on this prevailed, if
if RFK Junior had been allowed into the

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case, with that information allowed into
the case, that that could have made

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a difference in the outcome. I
think it very well could have, because

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he had the kind of information that
they're saying our plaintiffs lacked, like he

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was explicitly mentioned, as you know, the White House demanding a takedown of

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him, and then he was taken
down. And another person is Alex Berenson,

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who has his own lawsuit. He
got internal Twitter emails showing where they

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were talking about how the White House
is putting us under pressure to remove him

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from Twitter, and then he was
taken down even though he had received assurances

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from Twitter that his account was safe. So he's another person. He you

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know, he has his independent lawsuit. He would probably be deemed to have

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standing in this case. It's you
know what is so difficult for those of

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us who are toiling in the fields
of journalism every day. My colleagues and

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I can tell you that the Biden
administration has been absolutely horrible about following Freedom

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of Information Act laws. It refuses
to turn over information, It's been subpoena

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to turnover information, still refuses to
turnover information. We have myriad examples of

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that. So how do you make
a case against a government for suppressing speech

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when that government won't turn over the
information that you have sought. Well,

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that's I mean, that's an excellent
question, and that's the issue. I

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mean, they essentially put you in
a catch twenty two. And that would

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be so even if the government wasn't
trying to subvert these Foyer requests and that

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you know, the district court in
my case in Changizi basically said, you

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know, you would need those kinds
of emails. Well, how are you

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supposed to get those emails if you
throw it out before discovery? We were

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at least saying, just give us, you know, some preliminary discovery,

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let us prove that we can.
Let us get these you know, documents

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and see if we can prove more
of a direct causal link. But if

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you toss it at the free discovery, then we're never going to be able

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to get that. So basically,
I mean Alito's right that what This case

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holds is that if the government does
its unlawful, censorious activity in the darkness

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and nobody knows what's going on,
they can get away with it. Janine

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Unice is Litigation Council for the New
Liberties New Civil Liberties Alliance, and the

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organization represents the private plaintiffs in the
jaw owning case Murthy versus Missouri. She

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joins us on this edition of The
Federalist Radio Hour, Let's get to Alito's

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stinging descent. I had plenty of
examples thanks to my colleague Jordan Boyd,

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who wrote a great piece on that
today at the Federalist. She notes Justice

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Samuel Alito mince no words in his
public evisceration of the Supreme Court six y

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three Murthy the Missouri decision to green
light the Biden administration's flagrant First Amendment violations.

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In one part of the dissent,
Alito rights, we are obligated to

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tackle the free speech issue that the
case presents. The Court, however,

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shirks that duty and thus permits the
successful campaign of coercion in this case to

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stand as an attractive model for future
officials who want to control what the people

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say. Here and think I would
imagine as an attorney for the plaintiffs in

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this case, you would wholeheartedly agree
with that. But the bottom line here

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is what does the future hold for
free speech and the distribution of information in

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this country based on what we've seen
in this ruling, Well, your right

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to be pessimistic about the future of
free speech. I mean, the court

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has essentially green lighted the government doing, you know, instrumentalizing these companies in

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order to silence fees. It doesn't
like now one, you know, I

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try to look for some rays of
hope. Another ray of hope among those

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I've mentioned is that there was some
implication that it would have gone differently if

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we had sued the private companies as
state actors. Now we didn't do that.

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It was obviously a theory that we've
floated, but we just don't.

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As a matter of our mission,
we'd only see the government, So we

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didn't do that. Other people might
be able to do that, and that

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would that would create create an incentive
for the companies not to just go along

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with this kind of thing, because
then if they can be sued under the

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theory that they're effectively state actors,
depriving people of their constitutional rights. They

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could lose a lot of money.
So I think that's another way that things

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could go to sort of get the
government out of the business of social media

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censorship. May be the most encouraging
thing that I've heard so far in our

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conversation is that I think a lot
of people think that the is over,

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and it certainly makes it very difficult
to move on the standing issue that the

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Supreme Court decided. But as you
noted, this is not over. You

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plan to bring up some key evidence, important points when this goes back to

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the lower courts. Let's talk a
little bit about this that aspect and where

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you go from here legally speaking.
Sure. So, Actually I don't know

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if you were aware of the emails
that came out during doctor Warren's's congressional testimony

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about a month in a row.
Yes, yeah, he had basically had.

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He was Fauci, doctor Fauci's senior
advisor, and he had a lot

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of emails saying that you know,
Tony clearly referring to doctor Fauci, uses

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secret back channels in order to ensure
that he doesn't have to comply with Foyer

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requests, and Tony is too smart
to use his nih email, he's his

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Gmail and hand server. So I
actually filed emotion last week in the District

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Court saying that we should get more
discovery on Fauci and various actors that he

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was communicating with, apparently using Gmail
based on this evidence, because if this

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appeared to be mostly related to the
lab leak theory that he was involved in

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suppressing, but if he was using
Gmail and email deletion, that was another

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thing. Doctor Warren says that they
deleted emails. If he was using those

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as tools to avoid having to reveal
controversial or embarrassing or unlawful activity that he

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was involved in, then there's every
reason to believe that he was involved in

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censoring like the Great Barrington Declaration which
two of our clients wrote, or other

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kinds of things about COVID, that
he would be using Gmail for those emails

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and deleting them too. So we
already filed that motion last week saying we

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should get discovery on that, and
we will continue to do that. In

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fact, we can put forth to
the District Court that now discovery is even

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more important because we need evidence that
our clients were censored at the behest of

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the federal government. Ultimately. I
think that's interesting because there have been a

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lot of details that have come to
light, a lot of emails, a

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lot of communications, a lot of
very troubling communications from the government that have

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come to light since the filing of
this case. As you mentioned, you

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know, the internal documents about Anthony
Fauci. What a genius he was,

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of course for suppressing this information from
the public. I'm curious, do you

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think ultimately the government could help in
your case, could help restore freedoms on

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this line, because we have clearly
conservatives in the House in particular going after

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this information that I think, as
you noted, could be very beneficial to

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your case. Yeah. Sure.
So it was funny I was slated to

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testify before the Small Business Committee about
actually the case in which we represent the

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Federalist was it was the main one, but this case was touched upon a

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little bit, and it started at
ten am. So this decision came down.

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I saw, oh, like right
as I was supposed to start testifying

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that it had come down, And
that was one of the things we emphasized

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in the hearing. Well, like, this makes Congress's job all the more

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important. We need we clearly need
check on the executive because they're continuing to

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engage in these sorts of activities.
How much worse does this get now that

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basically the signal is sent to the
Biden administration, which was very much engaged

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in this, and of course they
were engaged in this under the Trump administration

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too. Let's be fair about it. There were you know, government bureaucrats

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suppressing information in the twenty twenty election
critical to the voter. In the twenty

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twenty election, we think about,
in particular the Hunter Biden laptop. That

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remains a key point that you know, big tech and the corporate media cabal,

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the accomplice media finally now decided that
why that laptop is for real?

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Wouldn't that have made a difference at
some level, don't you think in late

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October of twenty twenty. Oh absolutely, yeah, yeah, no, no,

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no, go ahead, because I
think what occurred then with the laptop,

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with the COVID stuff, all of
the policies of the government, I

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think extremely informative for what lies ahead
in the Biden administration. Unfortunately, six

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members of the Supreme Court didn't think
so much on that front. Yeah,

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So a few things there. First
of all, I'll clarify that I say

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this, I'm actually not a Republican
and I'm not a Trump supporter in any

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way, But to be fair to
his administration, they were not engaging in

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this the way the Biden administration was
or at all were sure. Sure,

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yes, there were agencies that I
think were acting sort of rogue or even

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contrary to the Trump administration's interests because
they were covering up the Hunter Biden laptop

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story and that sort of thing.
You know, Biden took office and then

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sort of used the White House to
effectuate this censorship regime and started coordinating with

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the agencies, and they even established
this disinformation government at sports. So I

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mean, if I were a Republican
politician, and certainly if I were in

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the Trump campaign, I would be
making hay out of this and saying that,

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you know, the Biden administration is
going to continue, this is going

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to make it worse, and we're
going to stop the censorship. That seems

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to be a political a political wedge
that Republicans could use. Do you think,

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from all that you have experienced,
all the documents that you've seen,

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do you think that this ruling could
ultimately affect November's election I think so if

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it's publicized enough, and I think
if, as I said, if Trump

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uses it to his advantage. I
think there are a lot of people who

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have a real problem with the censorship. And I'll say, I mean,

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I'm just using myself as an example. I you know, I have a

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lot of with both Biden and Trump, I was sort of inclined not to

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vote for either of This might make
me lean a little bit more Trump because

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I'm so opposed to the censorship.
So a lot of sort of independent or

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undecided voters out there could be swayed, I think on this basis interesting.

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So what does this mean to the
for the groups that were really involved in

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this level of suppression of speech suppression? I mean, I think about this

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little agency, little known until the
last few years in the homeland Department of

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Homeland Security, you know, that
had disinformations are for goodness sakes, they

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had to in essence invent a word
about mal information or information that the government

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would rather you not have. Not
that it's not factual, but it's it's

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uncomfortable for the government for you you
to have that information. The government feels

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that that's inappropriate information to have.
This decision I would imagine must only embolden

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those agencies to do what they've done. That's right. In fact, I

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was going to use the term embolden
before you, So I can't. I

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mean, I can't agree more unfortunately, And I think again, what the

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signals is that absent to change in
administration, this is going to continue and

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get worse. And I do you
know, I think I hope that Trump

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takes this and you know, makes
the stand, says we're not going to

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continue this, and is truthful about
that, and doesn't because that would make

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a really big difference. And I
think at this point we might need a

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solution like that, since it's clear
that the Court has not has not stood

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up for our rights. I would
say that great minds think alike. But

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I don't want to insult you putting
my mind in the arena of your mind,

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because you have been at the center
of some fascinating and vitally important cases,

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liberty cases facing this country and it's
citizens. And I wanted to talk

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to you a little bit more before
we close the conversation about what the Litigation

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Council for the New Civil Liberties Alliance
excuse me, what the New Civil Liberties

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Alliance is doing you as litigation council
for that organization, the many areas where

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you're fighting for constitutional principles. So
what we mostly do is fight the administrative

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state. So a lot of what
we do has to deals with separation of

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powers and executive agencies doing things that
they really shouldn't be doing and maybe Congress

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could do, but they can't.
And this just happens all the time where

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they're effectively making laws that deprive people
of their rights. So we have cases

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dealing with the SEC. For a
long time, the SEC was able to

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have like just administrative tribunals where you
were tried by an administrative law judge who

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wasn't independent. We've been challenging that
kind of thing with some success, the

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case called Relentless, which is challenging
Chevron judicial deference to executive to agencies.

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That's our main mandate. We also
do pure free speech stuff. So I

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had a case just challenging California's AB
twenty ninety eight, which punished doctors for

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spreading COVID misinformation so called to patients, which just met meant giving in diffart

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from the states when it came to
vaccines and asks and that kind of thing

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that was a state law. It
was not terribly usual for us to do

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that kind of thing, but I
brought that challenge with success. Actually,

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we got a preliminary injunction there and
then the legislature appealed the law. So

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we have a variety of interests,
but mainly we're interested in protecting Americans constitutional

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rights. So many liberties are on
the line. But I just back to

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the Chevron case again. I don't
know how, after what we as Americans

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have survived in this country over the
last four years or so, I don't

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know how a Supreme Court and I
mean concerned privatives liberals alike on that court

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could ever simply just defer to the
so called experts. Again. Yeah,

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I mean, you make an extremely
good point, the idea that they've proven

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that they're completely inept. And one
of the points I think it's important to

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make is our clients, two of
them, Jay Bondichari and Martin Kuldorf,

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who co authored the Great Barrington Declaration. They are epidemiologists at Stanford and Harvard.

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They disagreed with lockdowns as an approach
based on their knowledge of epidemiology.

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They were censored heavily on social media
and other forms of media, so people

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like them, even extremely qualified people
who disputed the government's approach approach were shut

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down in silenced, So the public
got the illusion of a consensus that didn't

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actually exist, that most people of
most of the public thought all experts think

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we should do lockdowns and mass mandates
and vaccine mandates. And there were actually

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lots of really smart, qualified dissenters, but they were silenced. And it

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turns out that that had to do
with the federal government's actions. And I

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think that should horrify all Americans.
Where do these folks go to get their

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reputations back? That's a question.
I mean. Martin actually publicly revealed that

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he had been fired from Harvard for
refusing the vaccine after he had a bad

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mouth of COVID and had natural immunity
so he didn't want to get it.

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He saw that the risks is outwing
the benefits. At that point, Jays

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suffered horrible persecution at Stanford, and
I think things are better now. But

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you know, I think a lot
of people really admire them and have seen

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their courage and that they were right, and you know, they were.

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They ended up being right about everything
basically. So I think they have followings,

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but it's been difficult for them over
the years because they faced so much

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hostility. It all feels like the
Red Scare to me, or at least

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the perceived Red Scare. If you've
followed history, you know some of what

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happened with communists in this country was
you know, we can argue about the

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means and the methods, but there
was a real concern about communist getting deeply

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involved in some of our institutions.
But you know, some of the abuses

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that had occurred in the Red Scare
remind me that the more things change,

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the more they seem to be the
same. Right. I mean, I

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will always be fighting this battle.
I think final question for you is I

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get back to Murphy and the Missouri
and that is, do you think this

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case, and you know all of
the details surrounding it, all of the

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information that's come out involving what big
Tech did, do you think there'll be

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a little more circumspect, at least
in the commercial interest moving forward. Yeah,

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And as I alluded to earlier,
I think that people could bring lawsuits

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of arguing that they were effectively acting
as arms of the state. You know,

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they can't do this. They can't
be doing the government's bidding and then

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saying like, oh, we're private
companies. So I think people who are

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censored on Twitter and other social media
platforms can and should sue, especially if

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they could tie like they're living to
it, because they can presumably get damages

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and that might deter the companies from
engaging in this kind of you know,

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so called content moderation. The other
thing is the Net Choice case cases haven't

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come down yet. Those have to
do with state laws from Texas and Florida

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that basically prohibit the platforms from censoring
people for expressing certain viewpoints. I expect

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those will be decided tomorrow or Friday, or maybe early next week because that's

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the end of the Supreme Court's term. So that's another way that we might

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be able to deal with this.
Are you hopeful in those cases that there

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will be checks on speech suppression?
Not particularly? The Florida law had some

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problems. It favored politicians over regular
so I think there was argument that it

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was sort of viewpoint discrimination on its
own. The Texas law I think was

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much better. I the argument went
better than I thought for the states,

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but I still think it might be
an upheld battle, but nevertheless, I'm

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not totally hopeless. So maybe they'll
the court will come down with something that's

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a little bit helpful. Well,
I must tell you I'm feeling a little

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more hopeful after our conversation today that
this fight is not over, nor should

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it be. There's got to be
other means to protect speech in America,

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and it sounds like that is exactly
what you intend to do. Yeah,

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00:32:37,680 --> 00:32:44,119
that's great, it's not over.
Well. I appreciate you being here joining

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us on the Federalist Radio Hour podcast, but I particularly appreciate the fight that

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you are engaged in. It's so
very critical. Thanks to my guest today,

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00:32:53,880 --> 00:33:00,680
Janine Unis, Litigation Council for the
New Civil Liberties Alliance. You've been

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00:33:00,680 --> 00:33:04,680
listening to another edition of the Federalist
Radio Hour. I'm Matt Kittle, senior

403
00:33:04,720 --> 00:33:08,039
correspondent at the Federalist. We'll be
back soon with more. Until then,

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00:33:08,599 --> 00:33:20,319
stay lovers of freedom and anxious for
the fray.
