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This is Stuart England The Civil Wars
episode two point one hundred and eleven.

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Conclusion, Well, it's been a
fun four years. I started this project

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as a way to continue reading and
writing about history after my decision to leave

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professional academia. But it's really taken
out a life of its own that I

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couldn't have imagined. It turns out
running a podcast involves all the best aspects

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of teaching. You get to read
books all day and interact with people who

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are just as passionate about history as
you, and you get to cut out

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all the dreary parts of the job. Very rarely have I been called in

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for a podcast or faculty meeting.
I suppose there's less money in podcasting,

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but since when is money an important
part of a job anyway? This is

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my roundabout way of thanking you all
for introducing me to the wonderful world of

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history podcasting. It was a bumpy
ride at times, especially at the beginning.

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A friend of mine once noted that
the show really picked up when it

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decided to buy a microphone instead of
yelling into a tin can with a string

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running out of the bottom. It
certainly has been an educational experience in everything

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from production to editing to learning how
to speak to an empty room without sounding

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like a robot. But I'm glad
you guys stuck with me. What I'd

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like to do in this final episode
is lay out a mini epilog to get

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a sense of where the characters we've
all grown to love or headed from here.

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Answer a few viewer questions that have
come in, then offer some concluding

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thoughts on the whole project. Why
was it worth spending more than one hundred

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hours contemplating the first half of the
seventeenth century in England. Surely there was

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a good reason, Otherwise we've all
made some poor life decisions. We'll start

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by rounding up the story from last
time. As I'm sure you remember,

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King Charles the Second formally entered London
in Triumph on the twenty ninth of May

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sixteen sixty, technically the eleventh year
of his reign, but for all practical

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purposes, the beginning of the Late
Stuart era. Earlier that month, Parliament

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had decreed that England would be ruled
by king, lords and Commons, and

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now each of those institutions were present
and accounted for, the real work could

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begin. Although Charles had made an
excellent impression with his magnanimous declaration of Breda.

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There were still several contentious issues to
resolve, each of them capable of

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ruining the joyful atmosphere in London and
Westminster. Charles did his best to keep

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the good will going by surrounding himself
with a collaborative council. His advisers included

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those who can loosely be described as
Cromwellians, men who had never been full

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thrown a supporters of the various regimes
that had followed the Protectorate, and who

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had, to varying degrees aided the
return of the King. Leading the way

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here were George Monk and Edward Montagu, both of whom were prominent in the

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King's formal escort home. Charles also
invited as many as eight Presbyterians into his

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council, men who had been purged
from Parliament in sixteen forty eight and so

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were untainted by any association with the
regicidal Republican regime. The important names here

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were the Earl of Manchester, denzil
Holes and Arthur Annesley, the Anglo Irish

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leader who had recently risen to prominence
as Monk's close in Parliament. In many

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ways. The first month of the
Parliament had been a blow to Presbyterian designs.

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Their efforts to place conditions on the
king's return had been stymied, as

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had an attempt to make Manchester the
dominant figure in the King's council. Despite

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Presbyterian arguments to the contrary. Parliament
determined that Charles had the prerogative to choose

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his own advisors, but the new
king had no desire to alienate the Presbyterians

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by including so many of them in
his council. Charles encouraged them to believe

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that their voices would be heard.
The council would be a communal body,

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but there was little doubt about who
the King's closest advisor would be, Chancellor

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Edward Hyde. It was Hyde who
had guided Charles through his years and exam,

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and the miraculous and largely bloodless restoration
was a vindication of Hyde's constitutional vision.

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For the next seven years, Hyde
would be the de facto chief Minister

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of the Royal administration. With a
coherent government now in place, the King

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could begin working with Parliament to hash
out England's new political settlement. In the

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immediate term, the Declaration of Breda
had identified four major issues that needed to

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be addressed, amnesty's religion, determining
the ownership of land seized by Parliament,

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and paying off the army so it
could be safely disbanded. As you recall,

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in each case, Charles deferred to
Parliament, relieving himself of the burden

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of making any controversial decisions. The
Parliament passed a fairly lenient Bill of indemnity

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and oblivion. In fact, some
of the most ardent royalists complained that the

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bill delivered indemnities to the King's enemies
and oblivion to his friends. In general,

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all past rebellions were forgiven so long
as men now swore their loyalty to

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the king. There were exceptions,
however, Those that could be directly tied

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to the trial and execution of Charles
the first were explicitly named and exempted from

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any amnesty. Though inclusion on this
unfortunate list wasn't entirely cut and dry.

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Personal connections and recent behavior counted two. Those who had friends in the new

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regime willing to vouch for them were
usually granted clemency. A bribe or two

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to the right people helped as well. Both Strode Whitelock, who had provided

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the constitutional justification for much of the
Commonwealth and Protectorate state apparatus, greased a

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few poems and was rewarded with an
audience with the King himself. After some

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pleasant chit chat, Charles advised Whitelocke
to retire from public life and enjoy his

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country estate, advice he was grateful
to accept. Meanwhile, Henry Cromwell was

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allowed to retain the properties he had
accumulated in Ireland. This was largely due

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to the lobbying of George Monk and
Roger Boyle, who convinced the royal administration

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that this Cromwell had, like them, done much to oppose the radical regimes

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that followed the collapse of the Protectorate. Arthur Hasselrigg for so long the face

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of English Republicanism was also offered a
degree of leniency. Once it was obvious

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that the rump was doomed. Monk
had secured from Hasselerigg a pledge to quietly

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retire from politics. Hasserigg kept up
his end of the bargain by denouncing John

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Lambert's insurrection in April and not standing
for election for the new Parliament. Monk

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reciprocated by convincing Charles to commute Hasselerigg's
death sentence, though it was little consolation

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for Hasseregg, who died in the
Tower of London a few months later in

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January sixteen sixty one. Religion,
as you can imagine, was a far

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thornier problem. The Presbyterians still hoped
for a Calvinist national church. The return

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of bishop seemed inevitable, but at
the very least they argued for a more

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decentralized model that would curtail their powers. That would be a bitter pill for

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the bishops who had joined the king
in exile and expected that they would be

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restored along with their patron Meanwhile,
those who worshiped outside the established church pointed

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to Charles's promise of liberty to tender
consciences in the Declaration of Bredon. Radical

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groups like the Quakers enjoyed little sympathy
in Parliament, but by sixteen sixty more

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mainstream independent churches had taken root in
English society. Their adherents were not cats.

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They would be willingly stuffed back in
the bag of an established church,

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if that metaphor makes any sense.
Unsurprisingly, religion sparked the most contentious debates

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of the whole Parliament. In the
end, Westminster took a page under the

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King's book and deferred a final decision. Everyone agreed to hold a in it

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later in the year, where learned
scholars would debate the issue and Charles would

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act as arbiter. But seeing as
any decision would have to be ratified by

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Parliament, this was in effect a
delaying tactic to skip ahead of it.

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This is, after all, an
epilog. The delay worked to the advantage

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of the bishops and the traditional established
church. The religious question would be determined

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by the next Parliament, opened in
the spring of sixteen sixty one. For

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reasons we'll touch on in a moment. The Presbyterians and independence wielded much less

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influence in that subsequent session, allowing
for the return of a much more traditional

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established church. This was an early
indication of the long term strategy behind the

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declaration of Bredam. For Hyde,
the conciliatory tone of the King's initial position

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was tactical, a way to buy
time in order to ensure the success of

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the restoration. Charles had to make
as many friends as possible, but once

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ensconced in power, time was on
the side of the royalists. Over time,

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allies of convenience could be abandoned,
and peace by peace the old constitution.

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Restored land posed an entirely different problem
for the king. Delay wasn't really

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a viable option. The King's friends, who had suffered the loss of their

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properties while in exile, expected the
immediate restoration of their estates, a just

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reward for their loyalty. But neither
Charles nor Hyde saw any political upside in

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the forcible redistribution of property. This
was the source of the earlier complaint I

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mentioned that the king's enemies enjoyed indemnity
while his friends faced oblivion. What kind

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of sense did it make for Oliver
Cromwell's son in Ireland to retain his lands

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while men who had stood by the
king for years got nothing. Monks suggested

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a compromise. Confiscated lands would be
restored, but the men who had purchased

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them from Parliament would stay on as
tenants under generous leases. Like all good

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compromises, However, no one liked
Monk's idea, and it was roundly defeated

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in Parliament. Instead, a different
compromise was reached. Crown and church lands

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would be restored to their original owners, but before we taking possession, they

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would pay for any improvements that had
been made to the land. The process

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of surveying lands to determine the value
of any improvements was complicated and easily manipulated

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by the well connected men who surrounded
the king. Landowners who had made peace

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with the royal administration enjoyed quick surveys
and generous payouts. Meanwhile, the program

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was limited to former Church and Crown
lands, leaving many Royalist lords and gentlemen

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out in the cold. They couldsole
themselves with the option of taking their disputes

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to the civil courts through lawsuits,
but that could be a lengthy, expensive

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process, and some lands were deemed
irretrievable. The Earl of Darby, the

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King's most loyal subject in the northwest
of England, found that much of his

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family's land was gone forever. Some
of it he had willingly sold in order

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to raise money to pay fines and
taxes to Parliament. Others he had given

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away in trusts to protect against seizure. Darby argued that justice demanded the return

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of those properties. He was informed
by the courts, however, that property

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law trump's justice. The land issue
was perhaps the least successful of the King's

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gambles. Royalists, who were u
satisfied with the land compromises, directed most

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of their are at the rebels who
had illegally confiscated their lands, but they

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saved some of their resentment for the
king, who failed to appreciate their loyalty

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and stand up for their rights.
Charles could not take the support of ultra

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royalists for granted, a lesson that
would influence his decisions in the early years

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of his reign. Finally was the
problem of the army, which in reality

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was the familiar problem of money.
Most everyone agreed that the army had played

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a destructive role in politics over the
past few years, an assessment George Monk

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had made explicit shortly before the King
was invited back to England. The only

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issue to be resolved was how to
raise the money necessary to pay off the

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soldiers and have them disband peacefully.
Parliament approved a poll tax on every subject,

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their contributions determined by social rank,
and when that proved insufficient, army

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pay was supplemented by additional taxes on
property holders. By the end of sixteen

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sixty, the men of the Army
had received all the pay they were owed

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for fifteen years. One of the
most powerful institutions in England, the New

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Model Army dissolved peaceful at the beginning
of sixteen sixty one. The King retained

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a small personal guard of less than
four thousand men. Its size and political

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influence would be restricted by limited Crown
finances. In a general antipathy within England

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for standing armies paying out the New
Model Army led into a more general settlement

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on public finances. In effect,
Westminster revisited the idea of the Great Contract

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proposed by Robert Cecil in sixteen ten. After closely reviewing the costs of maintaining

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a government, Westminster agreed to an
annual budget for the Crown of just under

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a million pounds. The need for
the Crown to raise money irregularly through prerogative

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perks was therefore removed, and with
it many of the abuses that had bred

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resentment towards the administrations of James the
First and Charles the First, having completed

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its work on the twenty ninth of
December, Parliament was dissolved by King Charles

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the Second, Though completed, is
a bit misleading. There were many details

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yet to be worked out, especially
in the always contentious realm of religion.

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In reality, the Restoration Settlement would
be a prolonged process which times even reverse

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some of the decisions made at Westminster
in sixteen sixty. It would take a

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whole other podcast series maybe someday to
untangle that whole mess. But I thought

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i'd end with some of the early
harbingers of what the Restoration era would happen

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In store, Charles's reign would be
defined by two tensions, the line of

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succession and the balance between the warring
factions that had been reconciled in sixteen sixty.

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So far, Charles had proven himself
to be a skilled politician, but

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navigating those dual challenges would not be
easy. To take the king's family first.

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When Charles returned to England in sixteen
sixty, there was every reason to

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believe the Stewart line was well supplied
with airs. Charles was unmarried, but

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he was just thirty years old,
and now the undisputed King of England,

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he would surely be a great prize
on the European marriage market. Meanwhile,

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he had four surviving siblings, including
two younger brothers, James, Duke of

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York and Henry, Duke of Gloucester. But soon after Charles's return to England,

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the Stewart family suffered a series of
blows. In September sixteen sixty,

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Henry died, either from smallpox or
from the actions of doctors who were trying

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to save him from smallpox. Shortly
thereafter, Charles's sister Mary, who had

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married William of Orange back in sixteen
forty one, also died. Though setting

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aside the personal tragedy, this was
not necessarily a problem from a dynastic perspective.

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Charles could fully expect to produce his
own heirs, and he still had

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his remaining brother, James. But
another development that fall muddied the family waters

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still further. In a scandalous revelation, Edward Hyde's daughter Anne revealed that she

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was pregnant thanks to James, Duke
of York, who she had secretly married

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earlier that year. James initially denied
the allegation, but when witnesses to the

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private marriage ceremony came forward, he
was forced to admit the truth of it.

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The scandal was doubly problematic for Charles, first, his brother and current

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heir to the throne had demonstrated a
shocking lack of judgment, both in terms

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of marrying Anne Hyde and attempting to
cover it up. James could very well

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be the King of England some day, and so his choice of wife ought

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to have been a matter of politics, diplomacy, and strategy, not a

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secret ceremony to legitimize a tryst.
James's ham handed approach to the resulting scandal

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also demonstrated a troubling incompetence in a
potential king. He could perhaps be excused

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on account of his youth, but
James was now twenty five years old,

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hardly a child. If he was
going to turn into a respectable royal,

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time was running out. The second
headache James had given his brother had to

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do with who he had married.
Anne's father was Charles's closest adviser, which

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was a real problem among some royalists. Hide was already resented for his influence

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over the king. Some had always
disagreed with his constitutional approach to royalism,

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and others were aristocrats who hated playing
second fiddle to a commoner like Hyde.

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The news that Hyde's family was now
joined to that of the royal line,

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who was greeted with outrage. It
was all too easy to believe that this

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had not been some unplanned indiscretion.
It would make perfect sense for a schemer

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like Hyde to manipulate his way into
the Stewart dynasty. Charles tried to put

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the face on the situation and elevated
Hide to the peerage, naming him the

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Earl of Clarendon. But to his
critics this merely reinforced their suspicions that he

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was the puppetmaster behind the restored monarchy. Resentment towards Hyde made it much more

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difficult for Charles to manage the factions
within his government. Not only did he

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have to balance the interests of men
like Monk and Montagu against their bitter enemies

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among his most loyal entourage, but
now he had to contend with a chief

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minister who seemed to be resented by
everyone. Charles would spend the next twenty

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five years trying to balance the royaling
factions within English political life. Many of

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the decisions he made in that time
can be traced back to the instability within

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his own family in the opening weeks
of his reign. Of course, Charles

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wasn't the only one whose life was
reshaped by the events of sixteen sixty.

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Some used the uncertainty and turmoil of
the transition to their advantage. Topping the

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list has to be George Monk,
who had done more than anyone else to

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engineer the restoration. He was rewarded
with an elevation to the nobility estates in

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Ireland and England and high political office, both a seat on the Privy Council

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and the office of Lord Deputy of
Ireland. Monk, however, soon stepped

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back from public life, partially due
to ill health. He resigned from his

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position in Ireland and was replaced by
the Marquess of Ormond, for twenty years

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the face of royalism in Ireland.
Monk enjoyed the benefits of his private largesse,

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returning to military service in the Second
Anglo Dutch War of sixteen sixty five

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to sixteen sixty seven. He died
in sixteen seventy at the age of sixty

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one. Edward Montague also reaped the
rewards of his role in the restoration.

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Like Monk, Montague was granted a
noble title, the Earl of Sandwich.

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Charles also named him the Admiral of
the Narrow Seas and made him a key

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figure in the naval and diplomatic arms
of the new administration. Montague was therefore

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front and center in these second and
third Anglo Dutch Wars that Charles fought against

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his one time hosts in the Netherlands. In fact, he died in battle

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against the Dutch in sixteen seventy two
when the royal flagship he was commanding was

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sunk in the Battle of Sole Bay. Rudge Or Boyle prospered out of the

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restoration as well. The King rewarded
him with lands in Ireland and promotion to

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an earldom. More importantly, Boyle
secured the office of Lord President of Munster,

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making him the most powerful man in
the South of Ireland. From there,

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Boyle waged a kind of political war
with the Marquis of Ormond, who

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ruled from Dublin. In a sense, it was Irish politics as usual.

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The new English Boyle persistently nipped at
the heels of the old English Ormond.

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But not everyone who had fought against
the king was forgiven. Unrepentant regicigns like

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the Fifth monarchist Thomas Harrison, the
rump spymaster Thomas Scott, and the preacher

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Hugh Peter were apprehended and executed.
Henry Vane was targeted too, although he

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hadn't participated in the trial and execution
of the old King. Charles found it

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impossible to forgive Vane's repeated denunciations of
the institution of monarchy, and after a

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lengthy debate in Parliament, he was
sentenced to death. The Marquis of Argyle,

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so long the most powerful man in
Scotland, suffered a similar fate.

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After the restoration, Argyle traveled to
London in hopes of reconciling with the newly

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returned King, but Charles had not
forgotten the indignities he had undergone in order

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to win argyll support. Back in
sixteen fifty, the Scottish lord was cleared

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of any involvement in the execution of
Charles the First, but his subsequent cooperation

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with the Commonwealth was deemed treasonable.
It's a testament how arbitrary the line was

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between reconciliation and retribution that much of
the evidence against Argyll came from his correspondence

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with fellow Commonwealth and protectorate collaborator George
Monk. Monk enjoyed wealth and influence after

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the restoration Argyle had his head chopped
off. Other commonwealth or protectorate figures found

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the King open to appeals for mercy. Charles Fleetwood, Bostrode Whitelocke, and

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Oliver Sinjohn escaped without any criminal punishment, though they were barred from holding public

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office for the rest of their lives. Richard and Henry Cromwell weren't punished at

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all. They were allowed to live
out the rest of their lives in obscurity.

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More stalwart enemies of the monarchy like
Arthur Hesselreag and John Lambert were imprisoned

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and sentenced to death, but Charles
graciously commuted their sentences, largely on the

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advice of George Monk and others.
In the end, defiance evaporated, and

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the King saw the advantage of a
benevolent response to their pleas for mercy.

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Though neither Hassereg nor Lambert had pleasant
lives after the restoration. As we've seen,

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Hasselig died after less than a year
in the tower, and while Lambert

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survived for another twenty four years,
he spent all that time in confinement.

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Forty years old at the time of
his arrest, Lambert spent the last third

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of his life in a declining mental
state that eventually ended in insanity. Charles

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saved his greatest animosity for those regicides
who were already dead. After the Restoration,

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the bodies of Alver Cromwell and John
Bradshaw were exhumed and ceremonially hanged in

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their shrouds. Afterwards, their skulls
were displayed in Westminster Hall for Charles is

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a pale facsimile of the justice that
had been stolen by Cromwell's fatal illness.

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It also acted as a symbolic representation
of the reconciliation England was undergoing. Cromwell

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was a convenient villain. He was
safely beyond the grave, and so all

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the evils of the past twenty years
could be heaped on to him at little

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political cost. Any animosity the King's
Royalist entourage might harbor towards parliamentary leaders like

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Monk Montagu or Boyle could be safely
redirected towards Cromwell's corpse. That didn't erase

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the tensions within Restoration England. These
scars of the Civil War couldn't be healed

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so easily, but it was a
useful fiction that allowed politics to function in

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that way, the restoration was a
return to pre war norms, Just as

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in James's day, It didn't benefit
anyone to examine too closely the fundamental assumptions

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of the political world, So what
had changed with the restoration? The return

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of the king didn't really settle the
constitutional questions that had plagued England since James

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came down from Scotland. The warm
reception Charles received on the streets of London

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was not an expression of popular support
for an ultra royalist interpretation of the monarchy.

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The mood would be more accurately described
as a rejection of republicanism and the

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rule of the army. For many, especially of the younger generation, the

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Commonwealth or protectorate were far more familiar
than the rule of kings, which had

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taken on a kind of mythic quality. Edward Hyde and other royalists hope to

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gradually direct England back towards an idealized
version of the old monarchy, but the

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sixteen forties and sixteen fifties couldn't be
erased from English history. The memory of

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that turbulent period would continue to shape
English political culture for decades and centuries to

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come. If anything, the legacy
of the Civil Wars wasn't so much the

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restoration of the monarchy, but a
rejection of radical republicanism and army politics.

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After the failure of the instrument of
government and the humble petition and advice,

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generations of English political thinkers developed an
aversion to written constitutions. Rules and systems

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that sprang from the mind of one
man or even a group of men would

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always be flawed and easily exploited.
The only way to ensure lasting stability was

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to follow the lead of Edward Cook
and look to the past. History was

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a laboratory, the only true test
that could determine the value and staying power

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of constitutional ideals and institutions. Secondly, these sixteen fifties exploded any faith in

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divine providence as a reliable guide for
constitutional politics. Radical religion and political power

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had proved to be a dangerous,
combustible mix. The toleration of dissenting churches

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remained a hotly contested issue in English
politics for centuries to come, but radical

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religion would never again be a justification
for constitutional change. Finally, the Civil

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War period confirmed English distrust of standing
armies. In James's day, parliaments had

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balked at the cost of even modest
temporary armies in the lead up to the

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Civil War. Those concerns of economy
turned to outright suspicion when Charles in Parliament

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battled over control of the militias.
But the determining factor was the outsized role

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the army played in the politics of
the post war period. To many in

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England, the new model Army had
fought for laudable principles, and perhaps their

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00:22:41.319 --> 00:22:47.000
interventions at Westminster prevented disasters of royalists
or radical takeovers. But by sixteen sixty

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the argument that the army could deliver
political stability had been thoroughly debunked. As

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a political institution, the army couldn't
justify itself on representative grounds nor an appeal

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to tradition. Neither did it appear
capable of delivering results in the form of

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political stability. Army politics had failed, and generations of english men and women

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came to believe that it would always
be destined to fail. Almost by default,

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monarchy was the only alternative, which
is the tragedy of the mid seventeenth

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century. After two decades of warfare
and civil strife, England was back where

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it had started. Like his grandfather
and father before him, Charles the Second

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would spend his reign trying to figure
out how a political system designed to rule

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over a medieval society could be adapted
to an early modern world. This Charles

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had the benefit of hindsight and had
already shown an ability to avoid the mistakes

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his father had made. He also
had new tools to work with, the

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Commonwealth and protectorate regimes had created new
administrative instruments and a far more centralized bureaucracy

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than anything the early Stewarts had enjoyed, and the new king was canny enough

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to realize that restoring the monarchy didn't
necessarily mean throwing out the baby with bathwater.

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Of course, he also inherited a
far more divided England. King James

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had been forced to deal with factional
in fighting, but he had never been

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asked to together enemies who had literally
squared off in battle. The other side

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00:24:03.920 --> 00:24:07.599
of the coin was that England now
knew the stakes at play. Failure meant

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a return to civil war, the
costs of which no one underestimated. But

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I'll stop my rambling before I end
up convincing myself to do a podcast series

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on the restoration. Perhaps someday I
wanted to end this long journey with a

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few thought provoking questions listeners have graciously
sent my way. Joseph pointed out the

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legacy of the Civil War period on
the founding of the United States, a

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00:24:27.200 --> 00:24:33.039
connection I know little about but has
always fascinated me. Thomas Jefferson and James

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00:24:33.079 --> 00:24:36.400
Madison, and I'm sure most of
the founding fathers were students of history and

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surely would have seen the relevance of
the rebellions and revolutions of the mid seventeenth

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century to their eighteenth century predicament.
More indirectly, throughout the podcast, we've

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seen heated debate an ideas such as
popular sovereignty, religious liberty, determining when

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armed revolt is justified, the balance
of powers, and the nature of written

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constitutions, whether explicitly referenced or not. The patriots of the seventeen seventies were

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reaching a hu twenty years into the
past to make their arguments. I suppose

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the obvious place to start with the
connection between the English Civil War and the

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American Revolution is Kevin Phillips's The Cousins
Wars, which ties together the English Civil

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War the American Revolution and the American
Civil War, a span of more than

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two hundred years. I'm usually not
a fan of history with that kind of

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00:25:18.440 --> 00:25:22.000
epic scope, but Phillips throws up
some interesting parallels. In the eighteenth century,

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the large British military presence in the
colonies, especially after these seven years

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00:25:26.920 --> 00:25:30.599
War with France, spurred comparisons to
the use of armed muscle by the Stuart

355
00:25:30.680 --> 00:25:34.279
Kings, though interestingly, the army
politics of the sixteen forties and sixteen fifties

356
00:25:34.480 --> 00:25:38.279
seems to have held a more ambivalent
meeting for the colonists. An even more

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00:25:38.319 --> 00:25:42.680
direct parallel might be drawn between these
seventeenth century fears of Irish Catholic armies and

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00:25:42.799 --> 00:25:48.279
later colonial fears of French Catholic Canadians
being used as an instrument of royal tyranny.

359
00:25:48.000 --> 00:25:53.440
In both cases, government accommodations with
foreign Catholic subjects spread terror and paranoia

360
00:25:53.559 --> 00:25:59.119
among Englishmen and contributed to the outbreak
of hostilities. I've always been a bit

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00:25:59.160 --> 00:26:03.160
more interested in how the American colonists
remembered the Civil War. Thomas Jefferson admitted

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00:26:03.160 --> 00:26:07.000
to cribbing material from the pamphlets of
the sixteen forties and John Adams, when

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he was the American envoy to Britain, toured the Civil War battle sites of

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Edge Hill and Worcester, which he
referred to as Holy Ground. More broadly,

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00:26:15.200 --> 00:26:18.759
the tensions of the seventeen sixties and
seventeen seventies seemed to have sparked a

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00:26:18.799 --> 00:26:23.240
revival of Oliver Cromwell as a folk
hero in New England, perhaps unsurprising considering

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the Puritan origins of the northern colonies. Oliver became a much more popular baby

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00:26:29.000 --> 00:26:32.680
name in the seventeen seventies, and
Connecticut in particular seems to have embraced the

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00:26:32.720 --> 00:26:37.599
old Lord Protector. Some colonists boasted
at Cromwell, along with John Pym and

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00:26:37.680 --> 00:26:41.559
John Handen, had considered migrating to
Connecticut before the Civil War, and two

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00:26:41.680 --> 00:26:45.960
vessels in the state's Revolutionary Navy were
named after Oliver Cromwell. More broadly,

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I think many of the ideas that
fuel the American Revolution were born, or

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00:26:49.960 --> 00:26:55.119
at least refined, during the turbulent
middle decades of the seventeenth century. I

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00:26:55.200 --> 00:26:59.200
get the sense that the Glorious Revolution
of sixteen eighty eight eighty nine produced a

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00:26:59.240 --> 00:27:03.680
more coherent book fabulary for the revolutionaries, but many of the arguments and debates

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00:27:03.680 --> 00:27:07.599
in Philadelphia or Boston would have been
comprehensible to Bolstrode Whitelock, John Lambert or

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00:27:07.680 --> 00:27:12.480
Edward Hyde. Another listener, Finnbar
was also interested in the long term legacy

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00:27:12.480 --> 00:27:18.400
of the Commonwealth and Protectorate period,
though within Great Britain itself. Finnbar asks

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00:27:18.440 --> 00:27:22.160
if we're not a bit mistaken in
thinking about the Commonwealth and Protectorate period as

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the republican road not taken by English
history. Instead, Cromwell and his friends

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00:27:26.880 --> 00:27:29.839
did as much as anyone else to
set England on the path that ended up

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00:27:29.839 --> 00:27:33.799
taking through the constitutional reforms of the
following generations and even into these scientific and

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00:27:33.839 --> 00:27:40.359
industrial revolutions. I'd be inclined to
agree. At first glance, the Commonwealth

384
00:27:40.359 --> 00:27:44.839
and Protectorate era can seem like a
blip on the otherwise unbroken historical evolution of

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00:27:44.839 --> 00:27:48.160
the monarchy. But on closer inspection, the legacy of the sixteen forties and

386
00:27:48.200 --> 00:27:52.799
sixteen fifties can be found throughout these
subsequent centuries. The Restoration was not a

387
00:27:52.839 --> 00:27:57.039
comprehensive repudiation of what had come before, Despite the efforts of some royalists,

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00:27:57.480 --> 00:28:03.319
the constitutional and religious ideology of the
period was not snuffed out. The same

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00:28:03.359 --> 00:28:07.119
goes for practical affairs, like government
bureaucracy in the economy. Charles the second

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00:28:07.200 --> 00:28:11.279
was candy enough to see the value
of the administrative apparatus he inherited. Although

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00:28:11.319 --> 00:28:15.440
he populated his council with friends and
allies as his father and grandfather had,

392
00:28:15.799 --> 00:28:19.359
day to day affairs were run by
the kinds of civil servants the Republican regime

393
00:28:19.359 --> 00:28:22.960
had employed. The king's brother,
James, Duke of York, was the

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00:28:23.000 --> 00:28:27.039
Lord Admiral, but his administration was
nothing like the personal fiefdom the Duke of

395
00:28:27.039 --> 00:28:30.559
Buckingham had run in the sixteen twenties. Management of the navy fell to a

396
00:28:30.559 --> 00:28:34.440
commission of dedicated bureaucrats, just as
it had under the Rump or Cromwell.

397
00:28:36.279 --> 00:28:38.759
You could also make the case that
the foundations of the modern English economy were

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00:28:38.799 --> 00:28:44.119
set during the sixteen fifties, whether
a product of war, Republican governance,

399
00:28:44.240 --> 00:28:48.279
or general turmoil. The England that
emerged in sixteen sixty was quite different from

400
00:28:48.319 --> 00:28:51.079
the one that witnessed the outbreak of
the Civil War in sixteen forty two.

401
00:28:51.799 --> 00:28:56.920
In a twenty year span, England
saw remarkable experimentation in taxation, public finance,

402
00:28:56.960 --> 00:29:00.680
and international trade policy. These in
turn spurt developments outside of government,

403
00:29:00.920 --> 00:29:06.400
for instance, the emergence of a
mature and innovative financial sector. Many of

404
00:29:06.400 --> 00:29:10.920
the defining features of Restoration England and
even later errors have their roots in the

405
00:29:10.960 --> 00:29:15.240
Civil War and its aftermath. Finally, Danny Buck, Norfolk's most celebrated witchfinder,

406
00:29:15.480 --> 00:29:19.519
asks what aspect of the Stewart era
surprised me the most. I've given

407
00:29:19.519 --> 00:29:22.720
this a lot of thought, and
I'd have to say that it might be

408
00:29:22.759 --> 00:29:26.119
the continuities of the era. The
England's of sixteen ten, sixteen forty two

409
00:29:26.160 --> 00:29:30.680
and sixteen fifty nine can seem like
entirely different worlds, and yet some people

410
00:29:30.759 --> 00:29:34.839
somehow lived in all three of them. If Lord Protector Cromwell met the thirty

411
00:29:34.880 --> 00:29:38.480
year old version of himself struggling to
keep his head afloat in Huntingdon, would

412
00:29:38.519 --> 00:29:42.640
they even recognize one another? Or
were they roughly the same person? England

413
00:29:42.680 --> 00:29:47.240
was the one that had changed.
I guess surprise might not be the best

414
00:29:47.240 --> 00:29:51.839
word, but that's certainly what I
find so fascinating about the seventeenth century politics,

415
00:29:51.920 --> 00:29:55.559
economics, and society in general were
changing. So rapidly, and yet

416
00:29:55.559 --> 00:29:59.319
people had to find a way to
adapt. I suppose it's not that remarkable

417
00:29:59.359 --> 00:30:02.920
to us. We expect to see
rapid changes virtually on a yearly basis,

418
00:30:03.359 --> 00:30:07.240
But in a world where continuity and
the durability of tradition were taken for granted,

419
00:30:07.519 --> 00:30:11.039
the ever changing environment must have been
incomprehensible. So I suppose, in

420
00:30:11.079 --> 00:30:15.359
a roundabout way, that's my answer. The surprising thing to me is how

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00:30:15.400 --> 00:30:18.440
someone like Ebet Hyde was able to
make sense of the world he found himself

422
00:30:18.440 --> 00:30:22.359
in despite it being unexpectedly and quite
suddenly alien, which I suppose is a

423
00:30:22.359 --> 00:30:26.160
good segue into my own naval gazing
thoughts on the podcast. I feel like

424
00:30:26.200 --> 00:30:30.119
I've learned a lot over the past
four years, from how radical constitutional change

425
00:30:30.160 --> 00:30:34.039
can be effected, to the relationship
between narrative and history, to just how

426
00:30:34.160 --> 00:30:37.880
much sound waves can bounce off the
walls of a bedroom. Probably the most

427
00:30:37.920 --> 00:30:42.559
lasting and often repeated lesson has been
about context. The early Stuart period,

428
00:30:42.720 --> 00:30:47.279
like any other period, I suppose, lends itself too pithy, easy to

429
00:30:47.319 --> 00:30:52.559
remember assessments. James the First was
an irresponsible spendthrift. William Laude led an

430
00:30:52.559 --> 00:30:56.240
Inquisition in the Church of England.
The Fifth Monarchists were a bunch of religious

431
00:30:56.240 --> 00:31:00.160
whackadoodles. Oliver Cromwell was a bloodthirsty
tyrant. Each of them have an element

432
00:31:00.200 --> 00:31:03.039
of truth about them, but when
taken in isolation, they can give him

433
00:31:03.079 --> 00:31:07.599
misleading impression of the early seventeenth century
world. The closer you look at any

434
00:31:07.640 --> 00:31:12.119
historical moment or figure, the more
those helpful shorthands break down, to the

435
00:31:12.160 --> 00:31:15.799
point that it can be difficult to
have any faith in any kind of narrative

436
00:31:15.799 --> 00:31:18.759
structure altogether. More than once over
the course of this project, I stopped

437
00:31:18.759 --> 00:31:22.759
and thought about what I was leaving
out, or what avenues I chose not

438
00:31:22.799 --> 00:31:26.200
to pursue, and how those choices
shaped the narrative as much as what was

439
00:31:26.240 --> 00:31:30.799
included. But maybe that's getting a
bit too meta. Perhaps a more constructive

440
00:31:30.839 --> 00:31:33.720
way to talk about context is to
keep it tangible. In the seventeenth century,

441
00:31:33.880 --> 00:31:37.480
England's story wasn't just England's. It
was also the story of Wales,

442
00:31:37.640 --> 00:31:42.240
Scotland and Ireland, not to mention
Europe, America, India, Africa,

443
00:31:42.279 --> 00:31:45.960
and even littler corners of the globe
like Newovendland closely linked to the West Country

444
00:31:45.960 --> 00:31:52.480
fishing industry. Neither is the story
of England's constitutional revolutions. The exclusive property

445
00:31:52.480 --> 00:31:56.480
of Westminster and Whitehall. London,
as an entirely separate political institution, played

446
00:31:56.480 --> 00:32:00.599
a prominent role, and so too
did events and people in Yorkshire, Cornwall,

447
00:32:00.680 --> 00:32:05.480
East Anglia, Cheshire, the Midlands
and all places in between. It's

448
00:32:05.519 --> 00:32:08.920
perhaps impossible to squeeze all that into
a coherent explanation of six decades of history,

449
00:32:09.160 --> 00:32:14.160
but it was fun to try.
I suppose that's what fascinates me the

450
00:32:14.200 --> 00:32:16.559
most about history. I'm always drawn
by the promise of solving the puzzle,

451
00:32:16.880 --> 00:32:22.000
unlocking the secret explanations for why things
happen the way they did, why people

452
00:32:22.000 --> 00:32:27.000
made the decisions they did. But
a perfect understanding always remains elusive. Was

453
00:32:27.039 --> 00:32:30.440
the Civil War the inevitable outcome of
a flawed and ambiguous political system? Was

454
00:32:30.440 --> 00:32:35.480
it the product of incompetence on the
part of Charles the First Was England's experiment

455
00:32:35.480 --> 00:32:38.599
with republicanism a dead end on the
march to constitutional monarchy? Or did it

456
00:32:38.680 --> 00:32:44.279
lay the groundwork for the liberties that
underpinned the British Constitution today. I'm not

457
00:32:44.319 --> 00:32:46.279
sure I'm in any better position to
answer questions like that than I was four

458
00:32:46.359 --> 00:32:50.119
years ago. At least, I
don't feel like I'm able to give any

459
00:32:50.160 --> 00:32:54.319
kind of conclusive answer, but conclusions
are overrated anyway. And on that note,

460
00:32:54.440 --> 00:32:58.599
let me once again thank all of
you for making this grand experiment possible.

461
00:32:58.960 --> 00:33:00.799
It's been more fun than it could
have imagined, and hopefully I'll see

462
00:33:00.839 --> 00:33:01.680
you all again out there.

