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We're back with another edition of the
Federalist Radio Hour. I'm staff writer Sean

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Fleetwood. As always, you can
email the show at radio at the Federalist

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dot com, follow us on Twitter
at FDRLST. Make sure to subscribe wherever

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you download your podcasts into the premium
version on our website. Today, I'm

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joined by Sean Mierski. Shawn as
a lawyer in US foreign policy scholar who

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has worked on national security issues across
multiple US presidential administrations. He currently practices

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national security, foreign relations, and
appellate law at Arnold and Porter Case Scholar

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LP and is also a visiting scholar
at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University.

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And today he's here to talk to
us about his brand new upcoming book,

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We May Dominate the World, Ambition, Anxiety, and the at the American

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Colossus. Sean Miski, Welcome to
the program. Pleasure to be here,

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Thank you for having me. Yeah. Absolutely, And so before we kind

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of delve into the contents of the
book, can you just kind of give

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our readers a bit of your background, you know, how you got interested

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in foreign policy and then kind of
dovetail into what made you want to write

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this book. Yeah, So the
thing that originally got me, I think,

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interested in foreign policy was actually the
rise of China became obvious to me

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fairly early on. And this is
not a particularly original insight, but that

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China's rise would be sort of the
defining event of the twenty first century,

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or at least that there's good money
to be placed on that bet. And

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so, you know, for a
long time I've kind of been interested in

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China and East Asian security affairs,
and it sort of occurred to me that

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the really important question, or at
least one of the kind of really important

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questions, was whether China was going
to rise peacefully or whether it was going

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to rise in an aggressive and expansionist
way. And the historical record has never

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been good that question. Rising powers
tend to be aggressive an expansionist, by

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which I mean they tend to pick
fights with other great powers. They tend

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to bully and otherwise metal in the
affairs of their neighbors, and in general,

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they tend to make a nuisance of
themselves as they try and dominate greater

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and greater slices at the world.
And so, and I don't think China's

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really departing, so far from that
path, but we're obviously we still got

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kind of a ways to go.
And so that sort of question is what

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originally led me to the book,
because I thought it would be interesting to

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look at the United States and its
own rise to power and to see,

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you know, first how much did
we buck that particular trend and to the

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extent we didn't exactly why you did
we act the way we did, because

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I've never really heard a good,
sort of compelling explanation as to why all

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rising powers act this way. And
so I thought I would write just a

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short article looking at the history of
the United States, and then I started

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getting into it, and I started
digging into the archives, and you know,

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eight years later, here we are
and ends up being so much more

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of a kind of, in my
opinion, thrilling but also kind of detailed

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and complex story that I had initially
anticipated. But yeah, that's the that's

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the answer. Yeah. One of
the most fascinating aspects of the book was

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that the area of foreign policy US
forign policy that you delved into gave so

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much of the foreign policy discussions we
hear today or you know, based on

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the post World War two era,
you know, the United states that world

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Hedgeman were the leading power. But
you know, we're talking about discussions like

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with Ukraine, and we're still talking
about World War Two. But there's so

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much US foreign policy that's right for
discussion, and specifically you tackle the really

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the post Civil War era up until
the early World War two years. But

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I think a good place to start
our discussion if you could describe for audience

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the Monroe doctrine and the main principles
that that had obviously came before the Civil

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War, but I think it's so
important in understanding the events that you later

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detail later on in the book.
Yeah, and so listeners will remember,

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of course the Monroe Doctrine from their
you know, Apstra classes as the sort

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of dusty dogma that you know,
barely matters anymore at lease. That's that's

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the kind of wishful thinking. But
you know, the basic idea was that

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in the late eighteen tens early eighteen
twenties, Latin America gained its independence from

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Portugal in Spain. And this was
from the US perspective, this revolutionary see

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change in our strategic position, because
it meant that instead of being surrounded by

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hostile great powers, we were now
in a hemisphere where there were a few

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outposts left of the European Great Powers, but beyond that we were just surrounded

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by neighbors that were, you know, always going to be weaker than us

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and would never present a direct security
threat. And from the US perspective,

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this was great because if the US
could just clear the remaining European Great powers

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out of the hemisphere and essentially,
you know, enforce us dividing line between

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the old World and the New,
it could guarantee itself permanent security, you

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know, by virtue of essentially having
two very big moats on either side of

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it. And so in eighteen twenty
three, in response to the threat of

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Europe coming back into recolonize Latin America, President Monroe declares essentially that from here

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on out there's going to be the
separation. The United States promises not to

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meddle in European affairs, and in
exchange, however, European Great Powers cannot

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recolonize any part of the Western Hemisphere, and in general, they can't try

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and take over any of the independent
Latin American powers and try and you know,

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install authoritarian forms of government. And
so, in effect, the Monroe

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doctrine ends up as this sort of
giant keep out sign in the middle of

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the Atlantic Ocean. The problem is
that in eighteen twenty three the US has

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basically like no power to enforce this, and so over the next few decades

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it's you know, very much honored
in the breach. It could have been,

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I think, much worse than it
was, but Great Britain also had

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vested interest in not having the other
great powers come across the ocean, and

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so for the most part we had
managed to escape by relatively okay. But

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then things kind of go south during
the Civil War. Yeah, that was

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actually leads into my next question,
which is this conflict during the Civil War

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years and the years after that involves
the US and France and France's intervention in

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Mexico, which is something I didn't
even know happened before I read the book.

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So could you talk to our audience
a bit about that conflict in how

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the outcomes kind of shaped the world
affairs and the years to come. Absolutely,

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and to be frank, before I
started getting into this, I didn't

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really know this history either, and
I was actually astonished by that fact because

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once you sort of stepped back and
look at it, you're like, oh

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my god, this is so important, you know. But I think when

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you're you know, in US history
classes in high school and middle school,

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the focus understandably is on the Civil
War itself and sort of what's going on

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domestically right the North and the South
there at each other's throats. You learn

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all about the battles of Gettysburg and
Antietam, but there's a lot happening at

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the international level as well, and
in particular for the European capitals. This

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Civil War inside the United States was
a phenomenal opportunity for them to basically rever

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sort of the tide of their ebbing
influence in the Western hemisphere and to sort

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of come back in a big way. And you see that in a few

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plots here and there, But the
one that really stands out is the French

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invasion and occupation of Mexico. And
so in late eighteen sixty one into early

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eighteen sixty two, the French launched
this massive expedition into Mexico and within a

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few years they essentially conquer almost the
entire country. I think at their peak

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they're controlling something like seven eighths of
Mexican territory, and they import this Austrian

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prince to be the new Emperor of
Mexico, and so they essentially set up

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this kind of puppet state right on
the US border. And the remarkable thing

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beyond the mere fact that that happened
is how violently the United States reacted against

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that. Even before the Civil War
ended in eighteen sixty four, there was

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incredibly serious talk in both the North
and the South of actually calling a pause

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on the Civil War so that the
North and Side can jointly invade Mexico and

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kick the French out and then presumably
either restart the war or come to some

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sort of negotiated settlement. And this
seems just like absolutely fantastical from everything we

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know about the Civil War, but
I think it really sort of emphasizes how

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much Americans were ticked off by this
happening and how frankly concerned they were.

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And so it shouldn't come as too
much of a surprise that three months after

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the Civil War does end in the
North Winds, the Union has sent fifty

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thousand soldiers down to the Rio Grande
under General Sheridan, who's at this point

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General Grant's right hand man and General
Sheridan is basically sending letters to Washington saying

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we're ready to invade, just give
us the order, and you should give

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us the order, and General Grant
agrees. I mean, this is the

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commander of the Union forces and he's
telling the President, you need to invade

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Mexico right now to kick the French
out. And as I talk about in

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the book, it's a really close
call that prevents us from not actually going

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into Mexico. Instead, we end
up launching this massive proxy war against the

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French where we're arming Mexican sending kind
of COVID expedition across the border, and

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eventually the French end up leaving with
their tail behind their legs in eighteen sixty

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seven. But the whole episode sort
of really reinforces for Americans that this threat

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from the European powers is not some
sort of abstract, you know, thing

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that they no longer that they don't
need to worry about, and soad it's

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a very real concern that they have
to constantly be vigilant about. Yeah,

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And in the kind of decades ensuing
as you cover in the book, with

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these various instances in Latin American countries
like Venezuela and Panama. It really seems

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like almost the unintended consequence of the
Monroe doctrine of asserting yourself as kind of

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like, you know, the leading
power of the Western hemisphere is that you

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kind of have to be the policeman
in a sense where you have to enforce,

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you know, and make sure that
these European powers are intervening in these

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crises, and that you yourself have
to get involved in these crises sometimes to

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prevent that. Is that something that
you kind of notice throughout your research analyzing

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these various events. Yeah, I
mean, so one of the things that

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you know, I think to the
extent Americans know much about this period,

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there's a sense that we did not
we're not on our best behavior when it

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came to our neighbors, and that
is you know, understating it considerably,

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I think. But one of the
things that sort of surprised me in my

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research was oftentimes how reluctant the United
States was to be doing much of what

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it was doing. And there are
tons of exceptions to that, so I'm

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generalizing at a very high level,
but there is this sort of sense that,

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you know, the US was kind
of on this crusading imperialist spirit,

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where we were sort of clabboring our
neighbors, you know, for the fun

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of it. And I just don't
think that's really consistent with sort of the

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records that you know. And it's
not just public speeches and things like that,

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but a lot of these policymakers,
in their letters to their families or

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in their diaries are really sort of
ringing their hands over what they're kind of

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being forced to do, at least
in their view. And the basic problem

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that the United States is encountering is
the problem that was sort of exemplified by

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the way France invade Mexico, which
is a lot of the United States as

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neighbors are at this point incredibly unstable
politically in the sense that they have constant

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civil wars and revolutions, and economically
in the sense that they've ranked up these

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absolutely massive debts to European banks and
sometimes directly to European states. And this

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sort of instability, this weakness creates
a problem. Well, it creates a

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temptation, frankly, for European powers
to intervene, and it makes these neighbors

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an easy target for European intervention,
and so in the book, I call

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it the problem of order. But
basically, the US is very concerned that

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these vulnerabilities in its neighborhood are not
just vulnerabilities for those states, but they're

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vulnerabilities for everyone. And so the
US basically concludes that in order to safeguard

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its own security and to prevent europe
great powers from coming into the hemisphere,

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it needs to start stabilizing and strengthening
its neighbors to the point where they can

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at least stand up on their own
two feet in a way that makes it

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much more difficult for Europe to get
involved. The problem is that the US

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doesn't really figure out a great way
to do it. It starts by trying

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to do it indirectly through you know, diplomacy and trade, by lowering tariffs

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and the hope that you know,
an increase of commerce will increase, you

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know, the kind of wealth and
prosperity of these societies, and that will

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in turn help stabilize them. But
for various reasons, that doesn't really work,

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and the US eventually starts moving on
to kind of more aggressive stabilization measures

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than involves sort of tinkering with the
internal sovereignties of these nations, and again

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it sort of starts out I don't
want to say benignly, but it starts

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out in else in a much more
minor way than where it concludes, which

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is, by the eight end of
the nineteen tens, the US is occupying

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two entire nations parts of three more
just I mean, really really invasive sort

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of breaches of its neighbor's sovereignty.
The Washed Out on Wall Street podcast with

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Chris Markowski Day Chris helps unpack the
connection between politics and the economy and how

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it affects your wallet. Is America
not number one anymore? Sometimes it takes

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00:13:07,639 --> 00:13:11,159
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over their children or the government paying
big tech for your private info, how

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can we right our wrongs to go
back to being the shiny city on the

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hill. Whether it's happening in DC
or down on Wall Street, it's affecting

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you financially. Be informed. Check
out the Watchdout on Wall Street podcast with

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00:13:24,320 --> 00:13:31,720
Chris Markowski on Apple, Spotify,
or wherever you get your podcast. Yeah,

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and I think one of the ones
that you tackle is kind of the

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US dynamic with the Philippines, which
is you know, we don't necessarily want

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to get involved in the Philippines,
you know what's our interest there, but

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you know the fact that other European
powers are eyeing it that if you know,

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a Britain or a Germany or whoever
controls it, then that's going to

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affect us in our national security.
You know. I hate to skive around

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so much that there's so much in
this book to cover, but I was

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hoping you could explain how all of
these concepts that we've been talking about kind

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of tie into the idea of the
was about corollary and kind of expand on

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how the terms defined in the Monroe
Doctrine were further carried out under that.

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So the Monroe Doctrine in its original
sort of phrasing was purely defensive in the

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sense that it stated to Europe that
the United States had a security interest in

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keeping Latin America independent. It didn't
say anything about any responsibilities of the United

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States itself would take on, and
it didn't, you know, really do

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anything other than forbid Europe from doing
certain things. And so the Roosevelt Corollary

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was declared in late nineteen oh four
and first executed in nineteen oh five,

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and to set the scene, the
Dominican Republic was one of the nations I've

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mentioned that you know, was really
just sort of falling apart during the eighteen

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nineties that had ragged up these enormous
debts under this rather fiscally irresponsible dictator.

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The dictator ends up being assassinated at
the end of the decade, and the

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country plunges into just years and years
of civil war, and the Europe's Great

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Powers are getting increasingly unhappy about the
situation. And this all essentially comes to

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head at the end of nineteen oh
four, where several great Powers approach the

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State Department and say, either you
you know, put the do something about

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the situation, or we will.
And what Roosevelt realizes is that at this

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point Latin American states almost their only
at least a lot of them at least

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almost their only source of revenue is
from customs on trade, so basically taxing

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traders comes into and out of ports. There's no income taxes, there's nothing

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like that, so it's all basically
just taxing trade, which means that if

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you want to, if you're owed
money and you want to forcibly take that

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money, what you do is you
seize the custom houses of these nations and

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you basically administer them, and you
cut you cut yourself a share of the

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profits coming in until you're dead is
satisfied, and Roosevelt realizes if he doesn't

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prevent you know, europe great powers
from acting, what is eventually going to

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happen is they're going to come in, They're going to seize these custom houses,

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and they're going to establish themselves permanently
in the Dominican Republic. And for

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obvious reasons, this is not something
that the US wants to do. And

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so Roosevelt declares what ends up being
known as the Roosevelt corollary, which is

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that in cases where you either have
what he refers to as chronic wrongdoing,

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which is nations that are just affirmatively, you know, ignoring their obligations under

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international law and really aggravating the European
powers in a way that might lead them

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to come in, or in cases
where essentially there's anarchy in the state has

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just collapsed, the United States has
this obligation to be an international policeman,

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where it basically has the obligation to
sort of come in and restore order in

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order to prevent the European powers from
coming out. And the reasoning is,

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you know, at least to Roosevelt's
mind, fairly obvious and indisputable, which

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is, look, somebody's going to
do this. It's either going to be

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us or it's going to be the
European powers. And we don't want to

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be the European power, so it
has to be us. And and that

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of course is compelling in its own
way, but it leads to this sort

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of slide into more and more interventionism
in a way that I think even Theodore

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Roosevelt would have been very surprised by. Yeah, and then we get into

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the Taft administration where we have this
concept of you know, dollar diplomacy.

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Could you talk about, you know, what is dollar diplomacy and how the

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Taft administration kind of used it to
shape US foreign policy in Latin America.

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Sure, so, as I mentioned, so Theodore Roosevelt, he ends up

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using his quarrel only once in the
Dominican Republic itself. And then, you

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know, a month or two after
he gives this address, he approaches the

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Dominican president and says, would you
like American forces to take over the custom

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houses and administer them on your behalf. And the Dominican president is thrilled.

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He's actually been kind of pushing annexation
from last year. I mean, he

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really wants much more US involvement.
And so when when rose Will asks in

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this, this is not exactly shot
in the dark, and so the United

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States ends up taking over and administering
the Dominican custom houses. And the basic

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deal is that the US forces,
you know, protect the custom houses.

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They can collect the revenue, and
a percentage of the revenue I think it's

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a little over fifty percent goes to
the European creditors and the other creditors of

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the Dominican Republic, and the remaining
percentage goes to the Dominican government for its

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sort of internal expenses. And the
idea behind these custom houses or this what's

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called a customs receivership is that number
one, a lot of these civil wars

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and revolutions in these countries are being
fought over the custom houses in the sense

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that that's where all the money is
and that's where all the loot is.

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And so the idea is, if
you just set up US marines in front

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of them, the revolutionaries and rebels
won't be able to get to them,

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and that'll dry up revolution and rebellion, and so it'll stabilize these countries just

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by taking the biggest treasure house off
the table. The other dynamic is that

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Americans early, so the rose of
all administration things, are going to be

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much less corrupt administrators of these custom
houses, and they'll be much better at

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doing it kind of bureaucratically, and
so as a result, will just collect

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more revenue and this will create more
prosperity, which intern will create more peace,

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which intern will create more prosperity.
And so there's this kind of hope

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that there's going to be this mutually
reinforcing stabilizing cycle, and it kind of

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seems to work at first in the
Dominican Republic. So this customs receivership goes

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into effect in nineteen o five,
and from about that year to nineteen eleven,

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the Dominican Republic actually is doing relatively
well compared to its recent history.

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Customs revenue sore, so that even
though the Dominican government's only receiving less than

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half of the actual revenues coming in
through the custom houses, it's still getting

278
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more money than it used to before
when it was receiving a one hundred percent

279
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of the revenues, and so things
seem to be going relatively well. There's

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a lot less revolution, there's a
lot less rebellion, each of them is

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less anemic than there is more anemic
last And so by the time the Taft

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administration comes into nineteen o nine,
they've concluded, Aha, this is the

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silver bullet. We just need to
force all these other countries into this same

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sort of customs receivership. And so
the Taft administration kind of takes that insight

285
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and more broadly takes the insight that
financial stability is the kind of foundation for

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political stability and tries to enforce that
across the region. And it does own

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a much more systematic and much less
at Hogway than Roosevelt ever did. And

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I think that's where things start to
go really really wrong. For one thing,

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it turns out that these custom houses
are not, these customs receiverships are

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not the silver bullet. It just
turns out that the Dominican president at the

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time was actually just a very competent
ruler, relatively speaking, and that a

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large part of the reason things worked
out was because he was doing a relatively

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good job at kind of keeping a
firm handle on everything. But the one

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thing that the one thing that Taft
also does is and this is another key

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part of Dollar diplomacy, is he
basically tries to refinance all the European debts

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in the region through American banks.
And the idea is, basically, let's

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say you have a nation like Honduras, who at the beginning of the Taft

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administration owes something like one hundred and
twenty million dollars in debt to European bankers

299
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on annual revenues of something like three
million. Right, it's just not even

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conceivable that the Hunters will ever be
able to repay this. And what Americans

301
00:21:26,039 --> 00:21:29,720
do, or with the State Department's
kind of active encouragement, as they sort

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of come in and they try and
mop up these loans, refinance them,

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consolidate them, cut them down to
size, and do it through American banks.

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The idea being you remove europe stake
from the region. As a result,

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you won't need to worry about Europeans
intervening anymore. And so this whole

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kind of program of these customs receiverships, this flushing of europe loans out of

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the region. All this ends up
becoming known as Dollar diplomacy, but it

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doesn't really work. By the end
of the Taft administration, the region's kind

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of more unstable than ever. The
Dominican Republican nineteen eleven, the competent leader

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that I mentioned earlier gets assassinated,
and the country just you know, drops

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into civil war. By the end
of by I think is summer in nineteen

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twelve, the Dominican Republic has essentially
now racked up so much debt as a

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00:22:15,880 --> 00:22:18,960
result of like the one year of
civil war that it's basically right back to

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where it started at nineteen oh five. And so the main lesson that both

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00:22:23,160 --> 00:22:27,759
the Taft administration and especially the Wilson
administration take away from this is we're just

316
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not going hard enough. If we
only take control of more of these nations

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internal affairs, will be able to
finally solve the problems that have been sort

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of be doubling us. Yeah.
I think in the book you write something

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to the effect of Latin America you
breathe a sigh of relief when the Wilson

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administration came to power, and then
you know, the common you know notion

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among you know at least I was
taught in school was that, you know,

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Woodrow Wilson was an isolationist. But
you write, as you write in

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the book, that's not necessarily the
case because you kind of expand upon what

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happened during the Wilson administration with regards
to Latin America. Yeah, so Woodrow

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Wilson is the first Democratic president elected
since eighteen ninety two, and so it's

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been a long time, twenty years
since the White House has seen a Democrat,

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and Republicans by this point have our
reputation as being the more more kind

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of imperialistic party. The anti imperialists, as they're kind of call themselves,

329
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are predominantly Democrats and sort of you
know, involved as the Democratic Party.

330
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A large part of that is frankly, just racism. That racism correlated strongly

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with anti imperialism, because the sort
of understanding was the more you get involved

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00:23:37,599 --> 00:23:41,160
in the quote unquote tropics, you
know, the more that this kind of

333
00:23:41,200 --> 00:23:45,599
creates racial problems. And so Southerners
in particular tend to be very sort of

334
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isolationist at least in terms of their
principles. Might be the wrong word,

335
00:23:51,240 --> 00:23:55,160
but at least in certain in terms
of their inclination, and so when Woodrow

336
00:23:55,200 --> 00:24:00,480
Wilson gets elected, there's this like
palpable sense that things are going to change.

337
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And that's true not only because of
who Democrats are. It's also true

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because he himself, while he's running
his campaign, makes clear that he's opposed

339
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to all these interventions. He appoints
William Jennings Brian of Cross of Gold fame

340
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as his Secretary of State, and
Brian is probably the periods you know,

341
00:24:18,720 --> 00:24:23,119
anti imperialist Parxlans. This is his
issue. He's always cared about this,

342
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and those expectations are not only not
born out, but are just so so

343
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far from the mark that it really
is incredible because the Wilson administration ends up

344
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being the high peak the culmination of
American interventionism. And there's a few different

345
00:24:38,519 --> 00:24:42,160
reasons for that. Part of it
is that Wilson comes in and he is

346
00:24:42,240 --> 00:24:47,359
so convinced that he knows what he's
doing, and that the problem up until

347
00:24:47,400 --> 00:24:51,880
this point has been bad intentions on
the part of his predecessors that he essentially

348
00:24:52,119 --> 00:24:55,279
says, well, everything's going to
turn out fine if I do more or

349
00:24:55,359 --> 00:24:57,119
less the same thing as my predecessors, because I'm going to be doing it

350
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for a good reason, whereas they
obviously were doing it for corrupt reasons.

351
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And the problem is that that is
just not true. And so when he

352
00:25:03,960 --> 00:25:07,839
does the same thing, he gets
the same results, only he's i think,

353
00:25:07,880 --> 00:25:11,000
unable to admit when he's making mistakes, and it's when it's leading him

354
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further and further into these interventions because
he's so convinced again that kind of good

355
00:25:15,759 --> 00:25:19,319
intentions are going to be all that
matters. Part of the problem, too,

356
00:25:19,400 --> 00:25:22,519
is that right after Wilson gets elected, World War One starts. And

357
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on the one hand, that's a
good thing from the perspective of the US's

358
00:25:26,319 --> 00:25:32,160
strategic situation, because it means that
the US doesn't really need to worry about

359
00:25:32,160 --> 00:25:34,799
the new of these European great powers
suddenly attacking in Latin America. Right It's

360
00:25:34,799 --> 00:25:38,160
not like France and Germany really has
the forces to spare for that. But

361
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on the other hand, it really
sets up this major concern that after the

362
00:25:45,319 --> 00:25:47,839
war, and Americans for the most
part believe this is going to be a

363
00:25:47,880 --> 00:25:51,759
short war, but that after the
war, whichever power wins or loses is

364
00:25:51,799 --> 00:25:55,319
going to try and basically kind of
either makeup for its loss or kind of

365
00:25:55,839 --> 00:26:00,599
you know, build on its moment
winning momentum by going into Latin amer America.

366
00:26:00,680 --> 00:26:03,680
And I think there's good reason for
the US to kind of have that

367
00:26:03,759 --> 00:26:07,279
in mind, but it becomes sort
of a really a driving force in the

368
00:26:07,279 --> 00:26:12,079
way that American policymakers start thinking about
the region, and so their attitude becomes,

369
00:26:12,119 --> 00:26:15,039
we need to basically get the region
in order. We need to stabilize

370
00:26:15,039 --> 00:26:18,839
it while we can, because if
it's not fully ready to go by the

371
00:26:18,880 --> 00:26:23,880
time World War One finishes, we're
gonna be seeing major trouble. And so

372
00:26:25,039 --> 00:26:27,359
Wilson ends up responding to threats as
they come up much more kind of I

373
00:26:27,400 --> 00:26:33,559
think aggressively than previous presidents. And
you see this everything from his multiple interventions

374
00:26:33,559 --> 00:26:37,720
in Mexico. He occupies Haiti,
he occupies the Dominican Republic, he occupies

375
00:26:37,759 --> 00:26:41,920
Panama, he occupies Cuba, he
occupies Nicaraguay at this point is already a

376
00:26:41,960 --> 00:26:45,240
little occupied, so he doesn't get
too much blamed for that, but he

377
00:26:45,400 --> 00:26:49,000
you know, I mean, and
he also annex is the Danish West Indies,

378
00:26:49,079 --> 00:26:52,960
which becomes the US Virgin Islands.
And each of these things I think

379
00:26:52,960 --> 00:26:56,759
you can really link to if not
a direct European threat, then at least

380
00:26:56,799 --> 00:27:00,759
hovering in the background this sense that
you US needs to kind of get a

381
00:27:00,880 --> 00:27:06,359
hemisphere into order before things really go
stile after the war. Yeah, and

382
00:27:06,480 --> 00:27:08,559
that you know idea that you know, Europe eventually, you know, becomes

383
00:27:08,599 --> 00:27:12,720
the centerfold for the most part,
you know, during World War Two with

384
00:27:12,839 --> 00:27:17,799
the battle against Hitler and the Nazis, and then obviously the Pacific opens up

385
00:27:17,839 --> 00:27:21,599
with war with Japan. Um.
You know, as we look back on

386
00:27:21,680 --> 00:27:23,799
foreign policy, you know, the
United States, you know, through these

387
00:27:23,839 --> 00:27:27,839
decades has become you know, the
leading superpower in the world. You know,

388
00:27:27,960 --> 00:27:32,400
looking back at some of these events, you know, do you see

389
00:27:32,559 --> 00:27:37,240
kind of similarities in how the United
States handled those events and how we handled

390
00:27:37,279 --> 00:27:42,079
some recent foreign policy related events.
Absolutely. I mean, for one thing,

391
00:27:42,880 --> 00:27:45,599
I have a chapter in the book
where I sort of step back and

392
00:27:45,680 --> 00:27:49,240
look at the US interventions, and
you know, I think a huge part

393
00:27:49,319 --> 00:27:52,680
of what the US was trying to
do was nation builled by force. Right.

394
00:27:53,279 --> 00:27:57,559
Um, the US wanted these saw
these massive political and economic problems in

395
00:27:57,599 --> 00:28:02,119
these nations, and it wanted to
kind help stabilize them and set them up

396
00:28:02,119 --> 00:28:04,319
as sort of independent states and that's
not that different from what we're you know,

397
00:28:04,440 --> 00:28:08,279
we're trying to do in Iraq and
Afghanistan, and it's not that different

398
00:28:08,279 --> 00:28:12,000
in terms of results as to how
you know, those two nations ended up

399
00:28:12,039 --> 00:28:15,720
turning out. And I talk in
the book a lot, you know about

400
00:28:15,720 --> 00:28:21,759
a lot of the different reasons.
I think part of it stems from basic

401
00:28:22,759 --> 00:28:26,200
problems that in theory can be remedied, and so American policy makers are often

402
00:28:26,240 --> 00:28:30,480
ignorant. They don't really know much
about the political ecosystems that they're trying to

403
00:28:30,480 --> 00:28:33,880
get involved in. They're looking for
sort of silver bullet solutions without realizing how

404
00:28:33,920 --> 00:28:37,000
one thing can affect another thing.
And if you pull this thread, oftentimes

405
00:28:37,000 --> 00:28:42,359
it'll affect something all the way over
here. And those sorts of problems I

406
00:28:42,400 --> 00:28:47,440
think in theory can be fixed,
although I would say the fact that we

407
00:28:47,559 --> 00:28:52,480
seem to continually make those mistakes suggest
that perhaps even if these problems are fixable

408
00:28:52,599 --> 00:28:56,039
in theory, in practice they don't
seem to be, and that should be

409
00:28:56,039 --> 00:28:59,799
something that policy makers should account for. But I also just point at some

410
00:28:59,880 --> 00:29:03,759
of the reasons why there are kind
of more structural reasons why it's very,

411
00:29:03,839 --> 00:29:08,119
very difficult to stabilize the society from
the outside, even if you're doing everything

412
00:29:08,119 --> 00:29:12,359
exactly right. And so part of
the reason is that if you want to

413
00:29:12,359 --> 00:29:18,279
have these sustainable institutions, political institutions
that can hold up in a nation,

414
00:29:18,079 --> 00:29:22,160
they need to have internal legitimacy.
And whenever you're kind of imposing them from

415
00:29:22,160 --> 00:29:27,720
the outside, not only are you
depriving local people of that legitimacy, but

416
00:29:27,759 --> 00:29:33,759
you're also oftentimes destroying what few institutions
they do have that are kind of serving

417
00:29:33,799 --> 00:29:37,400
that function. And so in kind
of looking at the sweep of these interventions,

418
00:29:37,400 --> 00:29:40,799
you know, one of the main
takeaways is not necessarily that it can't

419
00:29:40,839 --> 00:29:44,960
be done, but that nation building
is incredibly difficult and incredibly hard to do.

420
00:29:45,400 --> 00:29:48,839
But then the other kind of lesson
of the book, and in some

421
00:29:48,880 --> 00:29:52,880
ways the more important lesson is sort
of the one that I started with,

422
00:29:52,920 --> 00:29:56,160
which is why is it the Rising
power send to be aggressive an expansionist?

423
00:29:56,039 --> 00:30:00,880
The book is obviously there a discussion
so far as I think supported it was

424
00:30:00,920 --> 00:30:04,720
not an exception to this rule.
It was quite aggressive, It was quite

425
00:30:04,720 --> 00:30:11,359
expansionist, But I think the reasons
why it acted that way are not exactly

426
00:30:11,400 --> 00:30:15,799
what conventional wisdom would suggest and paradoxically
that I think the US was often acting

427
00:30:15,839 --> 00:30:22,440
from a sort of defensive impulse.
And I think that that's important to understand

428
00:30:22,480 --> 00:30:25,400
as we look at the rising powers
of today, or at least the kind

429
00:30:25,440 --> 00:30:29,200
of other great powers of today,
so Russia and China and then obviously to

430
00:30:29,240 --> 00:30:34,160
a lesser extent or on and sort
of understanding what might lead those nations to

431
00:30:34,160 --> 00:30:40,079
be aggressive is important, even if
the kind of answer might be one that

432
00:30:40,240 --> 00:30:44,400
is, you know, not necessarily
kind of consistent with what we think about

433
00:30:44,440 --> 00:30:48,880
when we think about what drives you
powers to be aggressive and expansionist. Yeah,

434
00:30:48,920 --> 00:30:52,079
that actually ties into my next question. You know, you mentioned China.

435
00:30:52,240 --> 00:30:55,880
You know, early on in our
conversation you talked about how they are,

436
00:30:56,000 --> 00:30:59,480
you know, this growing power.
They very clearly have regional and global

437
00:30:59,519 --> 00:31:03,279
ambition that they're trying to achieve,
and you note this in the book that

438
00:31:03,359 --> 00:31:06,839
they are you know, they have
all the characteristics of arising power, but

439
00:31:06,960 --> 00:31:10,519
they're not exactly following the same track
as the United States. Because you expand

440
00:31:10,599 --> 00:31:18,200
upon that point, So I would
say that they're not. They're rising obviously

441
00:31:18,200 --> 00:31:21,799
in a very different world, right, And so you know, for one

442
00:31:21,839 --> 00:31:26,039
thing, we have nuclear weapons,
which present their own kind of problems and

443
00:31:26,119 --> 00:31:30,000
perils, but also inject an element
of stability through you know, mutually assured

444
00:31:30,079 --> 00:31:33,720
destruction and the fact that great powers
with nuclear weapons tend not to want to

445
00:31:33,759 --> 00:31:37,799
go to war with each other for
obvious reasons. China's also, it's rise

446
00:31:37,960 --> 00:31:42,279
has in large part been historically unique
and so far as it's been fueled almost

447
00:31:42,279 --> 00:31:48,319
exclusively by trade as opposed to by
conquest, and that's very, very unusual.

448
00:31:48,359 --> 00:31:52,160
I mean, even the United States, you know, Secretary of State

449
00:31:52,160 --> 00:31:53,920
Canto Leasa Rice, because this great
vote where she says, you know,

450
00:31:53,960 --> 00:31:57,559
people say that the United States was
isolationists, But if we are isolationists,

451
00:31:57,599 --> 00:32:00,640
how did we get so big?
And you know, the point is we

452
00:32:00,640 --> 00:32:05,119
started out as thirteen original colonies and
we ended up the size of a continent.

453
00:32:05,680 --> 00:32:08,440
And so even the US, in
large part it's rise was a function

454
00:32:08,480 --> 00:32:14,279
I think of conquest and kind of
you know expansion. China is sort of

455
00:32:14,319 --> 00:32:17,559
unusual and that it comes out of, you know, kind of the turbulence

456
00:32:17,599 --> 00:32:22,680
of the first half of the twentieth
century, and it ends up becoming powerful

457
00:32:22,680 --> 00:32:28,000
by integrating itself into the trade architecture
that the United States set up after World

458
00:32:28,000 --> 00:32:30,559
War Two, and a large part
of that is, you know, they're

459
00:32:30,599 --> 00:32:34,240
not exactly playing by the rules and
things like that, but it's not the

460
00:32:34,279 --> 00:32:38,359
same sort of aggressive kind of impulse
of conquest that you sometimes see with a

461
00:32:38,400 --> 00:32:42,960
lot of other rising powers. And
so talking to Chinese scholars, what you

462
00:32:43,000 --> 00:32:45,039
often hear is, while China is
different from other rising powers, it's not

463
00:32:45,119 --> 00:32:51,640
going to be aggressive an expansionist.
It's not gonna it's not going to try

464
00:32:51,680 --> 00:32:53,680
and become a hegemond, it's not
going to try and dominate its neighbors because

465
00:32:53,720 --> 00:32:58,200
we're just different, right. And
the point that I make at the end

466
00:32:58,240 --> 00:33:00,640
of the book is that, yes, there are those differences, but this

467
00:33:01,119 --> 00:33:05,880
kind of example of the United States
suggests that they might not matter very much

468
00:33:06,559 --> 00:33:08,000
because the United States was also different
in its own way. I mean,

469
00:33:08,519 --> 00:33:12,319
it's trite, I think to say
that, you know, the United States

470
00:33:12,400 --> 00:33:15,079
is exceptionalists and exceptional power, but
I think there's a lot of truth to

471
00:33:15,119 --> 00:33:19,279
that in certain ways. And certainly
that's the way that Americans saw themselves at

472
00:33:19,319 --> 00:33:23,319
this period. As I mentioned before, one of the surprises in the research

473
00:33:24,000 --> 00:33:29,960
was how much American policymakers, as
they were taking these steps, were really

474
00:33:30,119 --> 00:33:34,039
regretting them and sort of seeing them
as a last resort that they had been

475
00:33:34,119 --> 00:33:37,720
driven to. And so it's not
like Wilson or taft A rose of alt

476
00:33:37,960 --> 00:33:43,400
didn't you care about other nations sovereignty, It didn't support classical liberal values,

477
00:33:43,559 --> 00:33:47,440
didn't you know, oppose intervention on
principle. It's just that none of those

478
00:33:47,440 --> 00:33:51,559
things were important enough when it came
down to it, because they thought that

479
00:33:51,599 --> 00:33:54,519
they faced sort of security imperatives.
And my point in the end of the

480
00:33:54,559 --> 00:33:59,759
book is when I talk about China, is that there's reason to think that

481
00:34:00,200 --> 00:34:04,119
is going to face those exact same
security imperatives, and that it will react

482
00:34:04,200 --> 00:34:07,559
equally aggressively and expansionally if it expansively, if it comes down to it.

483
00:34:07,880 --> 00:34:12,320
And so you know, my caution
is that on the one hand, you

484
00:34:12,360 --> 00:34:15,199
know, history and ever repeats itself
exactly, but it does tend to rhyme,

485
00:34:15,239 --> 00:34:17,519
and sort of looking at these lessons
of kind of how other powers rose

486
00:34:17,559 --> 00:34:22,519
and the reasons why they did it
helps shed light on the mechanics and dynamics

487
00:34:22,519 --> 00:34:25,519
that might also be a play in
our own age. Absolutely, and I

488
00:34:25,559 --> 00:34:29,360
think that's a good place to leave
it. If people want to order the

489
00:34:29,360 --> 00:34:30,239
book, where can they go to
get it? And if they want to

490
00:34:30,280 --> 00:34:32,880
find you and more of your work, where can they go? So the

491
00:34:32,920 --> 00:34:37,480
book is available anywhere books are sold. I'm not sure I open this episode

492
00:34:37,519 --> 00:34:39,840
is airing, but it's coming out
on June twenty seventh, but you should

493
00:34:39,880 --> 00:34:45,719
pre order today if it's this episodes
getting aired before then. And then as

494
00:34:45,760 --> 00:34:51,199
far as my work, I published
a variety of publications and so there's I

495
00:34:51,239 --> 00:34:53,760
guess no one a good spot for
that, but yeah, just keep an

496
00:34:53,760 --> 00:34:57,480
eye on in general, I suppose
awesome. Well, thank you so much

497
00:34:57,480 --> 00:35:00,559
again for joining us, and thank
you our listeners for joining us as well.

498
00:35:00,760 --> 00:35:02,760
You've been listening to another edition of
the Federal's Radio Hour. I'm Sean

499
00:35:02,840 --> 00:35:06,719
Fleetwood. We'll be back with more, and until then, be lovers of

500
00:35:06,760 --> 00:35:16,559
freedom and anxious for the Freddy.
I heard the fame by the reason,

501
00:35:20,360 --> 00:35:22,000
and then it faded away
