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I've spent a good bit of time
thinking about and talking about in the last

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day or two the Republican platform,
the new Republican platform, and it's a

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massive disappointment. It's a massive disappointment
in a lot of ways. And I'm

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trying to sort out whether I'm overreacting, and I'm wanting to look at the

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different arguments for whether or not I
am overreacting. And the chief thing that,

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you know, I don't want this
to become too much, you know,

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right to life radio, But the
chief concern I have with the new

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Republican Party platform is the gutting of
language regarding abortion policy. Now, let

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me just let me sort of explain
what has happened for those of you who

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haven't been following it. The news
cycle has just been dominated completely by Biden

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his sinility should he jump out of
the race. I feel like I'm the

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only the only Republicans in America who
are upset right now are pro lifers.

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Pro lifers who've been following what's been
going on with this platform debate. So

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the Republican Party platform. Both political
parties every four years have their convention,

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and at the Republican and Democrat conventions, One of the things they do is

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they have a platform for the party
that is enacted, and a platform is

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a restatement, a long restatement of
what that party believes. It's sort of

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a summary of we the Democratic Party
believe in blahlah bah bah bah blah blah

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bah buph And it has both broad
thematic principles as well as in this time

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and place and circumstance, you know, what are the priorities for the Democratic

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Party in the twenty twenty four So
it has both specific policy proposals and things

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that the party supports and endorses,
as well as long term goals, short

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term goals, long term goals,
long term principles. Now, with the

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Republican Party, the last normal platform
it produced was twenty sixteen. Twenty twenty,

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they didn't produce a platform Allegedly COVID
made it so logistically difficult for the

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Republican convention participants and delegates that they
couldn't really do their normal platform drafting process,

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and so they just didn't have a
platform in twenty twenty, which I

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think is not good. I think
for any organization you have to at a

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certain point take a step back and
restate who are we what it is that

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we believe, what are the guiding
principles that should propel us forward. I

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think any organization needs to do that, and I think it's a very healthy

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thing for the Republican Party that every
four years they have a restatement what does

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it mean to be a Republican.
This is a document that talks about that.

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This is a document that talks about
what it means to be a Republican

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in broad terms as well as the
short term concerns of what are the issues

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that the country is facing in the
year twenty twenty four. Now, the

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last republic normal Republican platform, as
i'lse call it, was in twenty sixteen,

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and that document was sixty six pages
long. I've got the pdf.

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It's a sixty six page long pdf, and that it probably includes the cover,

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so you know, give or take, it's about sixty four to sixty

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three pages long. But that's a
long document, and it has again a

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lot of bedrock principles, but also
it had a lot of stuff relating to

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what the country was facing in twenty
sixteen and Republican Party priorities in twenty sixteen.

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It had specific policy proposals as well
as big picture stuff. Now,

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I think that's important. Other smart
political people that I read and respect thinks

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that the platform is not as important. They think that the platform is something

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that nobody really reads after it gets
enacted at the Republican or Democrat convention.

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It's like it's a binding contract.
It's not like there's a penalty that Susan

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Collins and Lisa Murkowski, the two
most liberal Republican senators, vote against stuff

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that's in the platform all the time
and don't suffer any existential consequences as a

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result. They don't burst into flames, their GOP membership doesn't get revoked if

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they vote against it. And a
lot of people think, well, it's

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this sort of clumsy thing that commits
you to things that maybe the exigencies of

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time will result in you being embarrassed. It can become actually political baggage for

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a campaign, So you know why
insist on it? And is it also

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just a thing of it it's a
coalition building thing. Every four years I've

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remembered, going back as far as
I can remember, pro lifers saying,

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well, the pro lifers are working
hard to ensure that pro life planks remain

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in the Republican Party platform, and
thus the platform became almost this kind of

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like coalition building exercise. The pro
lifers get their, you know, a

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couple of paragraphs here, and the
libertarian leaning economic guys they get their pages

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over here using those words specifically,
pro lifers got a paragraph, libertarian economic

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type Scott pages and pages pages,
and so there's some thought that it is

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that really important, and clearly that
mindset has animated the Trump team. The

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Trump team, the Trump team that
is running affairs at the RNC, and

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the Republican Convention folks, the Republican
National Committee folks are all one hundred percent

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Trump acolytes. Trump has completely taken
over the party apparatus in a way he

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did not he had not yet accomplished
in twenty sixteen. Around this time in

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twenty sixteen, the RNC, the
Republican Convention folks, they were not Trump

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acolytes, and so they produced a
twenty sixteen platform that didn't look very trumpy.

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Well, in twenty twenty four the
drafting committee for the platform has already

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met and they have produced a draft
Republican platform which will be subject to a

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sort of formal vote at on the
floor of the Republican Convention with all the

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delegates, which is basically more or
less a ceremonial vote. And this new

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Republican platform for twenty twenty four is
I think woefully inadequate. It's only fifteen

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pages long. Again, the last
Republican platform we had was from twenty sixteen,

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and it was sixty six pages long. This thing is fifteen pages long.

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And one of the chief things that
I think is significant about it is

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one eliminating any mention of traditional Republican
positions on gay marriage. And two,

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most significantly for me, and what
I want to spend some time discussing is

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gutting any language about the topic of
abortion, just gutting it. The Republican

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platform in twenty sixteen reiterated it did
what a platform is supposed to do.

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It reiterates principles we believe in,
as well as specific policies to follow.

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On the principal side, the twenty
sixteen platform was very clear saying that every

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human being from the moment of conception
has a right to life, and it

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gave specific policies. The president,
if he's elected, will enact A Republican

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president, if elected, will enact
that Mexico City policy to cut off federal

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funding for abortion overseas. The party
supports the High Amendment, which is the

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writer that gets attached to the budget
every year, to cut off direct federal

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funding for abortion through Medicaid, another
federal healthcare program. We will oppose federal

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funding for fetal tissue using fetal tissue
derived from aboarded fetuses. We will block

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funding for abortion providers via such vehicles
as Title six. We support the appointment

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of conservative judges. You know,
these are the kinds of things we're looking

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for in judges. So you had
general principles, we believe in the right

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to life. You had specific policy
proposals, but you also had aspirational policy

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proposals that you know you're not going
to get done in the next four years,

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but is a thing that you would
ideally like to see in an ideal

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world. The Republican platform since nineteen
seventy six included support for amending the Constitution

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in order to protect all unborn children
and overturning Rew Wade, both of which

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were in the Republican platform consistently every
four years from nineteen seventy six onward,

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and both of which seemed like complete
pipe dreams. For all that time.

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But guess what one of those two
pipe dreams happened. We did overturn Roe

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v. Wade in twenty twenty two. The messaging coming from the Trump camp,

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from intellectuals in the Trump sphere,
officials in the Trump's sphere, and

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from Trump himself in certain respects has
basically been to say abortion is not popular.

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We don't want to discuss it at
all during the campaign because we want

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to win, and we are not
even going to commit publicly to any position

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that is supportive of restrictions on abortion. And thus the twenty twenty four Republican

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Platform, which does not even say
anything about what the Republican Party viewpoint is

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about abortion as such. Is abortion
good? Is abortion bad? Do the

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unborn have a right to life?
We have left it blank. All the

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Republican platform says is that states should
be able to decide should be able to

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decide for themselves what they think abortion
should be. It should be left up

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to a vote of the people,
not even giving guidance that, you know,

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the National Republican Party supports state level
efforts to preserve the right to life,

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but thinks that this fight is best
left for the states. Nothing there's

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nothing like that. Here's all it
says, we proudly stand for families and

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life, capital l We believe that
the fourteenth of Men into the Constitution of

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the United States guarantees that no person
can be denied life, life, or

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liberty without due process, and that
the states are there for free to pass

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laws protecting those rights. That it's
the biggest world's biggest non sequitor. If

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the Fourteenth Amendment applies to unborn children, then it's not something that's empowering states

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to do anything. The Fourteenth Amendment, which was enacted after the Civil War,

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says that no state shall deprive any
person of life, liberty, or

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property without due process. It is
a federal constitutional restriction on state misconduct.

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It's not something that empowers states to
do anything. Okay, remember it's passed

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after the Civil War. What it's
basically, it's this. This is the

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same amendment that made newly freed slaves
into citizens. It says, hey,

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you can't deprive anyone of life,
execute them liberty, put them in jail

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or property, seize their stuff without
due process of law, without like a

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fair trial to actually convict someone of
something before you throw them in jail.

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Or execute them. So the idea
there is the federal government. And by

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the way, the fourteenth Amendment was
one of the three amendments thirteen, fourteen,

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and fifteen that Southern states had to
ratify in order to come back into

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the Union. So what this was
is the federal government saying, hey,

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this is a federal restriction against U
states engaging in misconduct. States were always

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allowed to pass laws to protect life. They were always allowed to do so,

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they did so before the fourteen Amendment. After the fourteen Amendment, you

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don't need the fourteenth Amendment for a
state to pass laws to restrict life.

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This is the biggest mean, it's
totally meaningless. After fifty one years,

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this new twenty twenty four platform continues
because of us. That power for states

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to pass laws to restrict abortion has
been given to the states and to a

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vote of the people. That's also
silly. Not every state has lawmaking processes

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premise through direct popular votes. Some
states do, but not every state.

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Not every state has a ballot initiative
system like California does. We will oppose

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late term abortion while supporting mothers and
policies that advance prenatal care, access to

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birth control, and IVF, but
never in there does it say it says

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we will oppose late term abortion.
Does the National Republican Party have any principled

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belief regarding abortion before it's late to
It doesn't seem to anymore. All it

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says is that states can restrict it
if they want, without even giving a

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directive of we think states should do
X. But beyond the sort of incoherent

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language about what the party believes and
gutting the normal traditional pro life language from

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the Republican platform, there's nothing about
the specifics. When we return, I

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want to pop this balloon that abortion
is a state's issue. Abortion is a

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state's issue. It is, but
it isn't. Next on the John Jerardi

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Show, I'm discussing the new twenty
twenty four Republican Party platform, which I

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think is a woefully inadequate instrument.
It's a fifteen page long document, unlike

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the sixty six page long document,
for example, from twenty sixteen, and

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it's really gutted the language that the
Republican Party has traditionally upheld with regards to

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what it believes about abortion. Now, as I said, there's almost nothing

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in this new document saying what does
the Republican Party actually think about abortion other

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than late term abortion, which it
does say we will oppose late term abortion.

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But one of the principle that's underlying
this and the messaging we're getting from

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Trump and from all these states is
that no abortion is a state's issue,

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and so the federal government's not going
to pursue policies to restrict abortion. And

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I think a lot of people hear
that, and it's an easy thing to

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sort of repeat. If you're inclined
to defend Trump, if you're inclined to

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like Trump, you're gonna be able. You're going to sort of say,

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well, well, Trump's just saying
that it's a state's issue now, and

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that's right. It's a state's issue. Now. That's what Row does.

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It makes it a state's issue.
It's a state's issue. It's a state's

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issue. So two things to think
about. One, what the Supreme Court

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did was simply turn abortion over to
normal lawmaking processes. What Roe and its

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successor, case Parenthood versus Casey did
was basically say, the Constitution mandates that

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abortion has to be legal. Therefore, no legislative body, whether it's state

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legislatures or Congress, can make laws
to restrict abortion as such or ban abortion

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as such. For you know,
let's say you want to ban abortion after

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the first trimester, Well you could
not do that, whether that was at

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the level of Congress or at the
level of the states. Overturning Row just

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does not specifically only mean it can
be handled at the level of the states.

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If abortion in some way involves inter
a commerce, or some other area

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of activity that the Constitution allows Congress
to regulate, then it can be handled

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at the level of Congress. So
no, overturning Roe v. Wade didn't

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just make abortion quote a question for
the states. Yes, states certainly can

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regulate it, but there's very strong
arguments that Congress can regulate it too.

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Secondly, a lot of abortion policy
is must be at the federal level,

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and saying that abortion is a state
issue now does not magically make it not.

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So let me give you some examples. The Mexico City policy, which

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Republican presidents always put in place and
Democrat presidents always get rid of. It's

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an answer to the question of will
the federal government, in its foreign aid

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fund foreign NGOs that perform abortions.
We have to answer that question. We

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give foreign aid to these countries.
Will we give foreign aid to medical entities

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that are offering abortions? That's a
federal question. It's an executive level question.

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The president decides it. Saying that
well, abortions of States issue doesn't

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answer that question. So okay,
so President Trump is going to if he

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does nothing about it, then federal
money will keep going to foreign NGOs performing

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abortions in Africa, in Africa and
Asia and wherever do we want that?

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I don't. Here's another federal question. Is medicaid at the federal level going

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to cover and will your tax dollars
pay for abortion through federal health and insurance

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programs like medicaid. It's a federal
question, it's not a state question,

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and it has to do with abortion. So is Donald Trump going to push

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for the High Amendment language to be
included in any spending bill that he signs

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when he's in when he's elected.
You have to decide that it's a federal

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question. You can't wish that into
not being a federal question. You have

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to answer the question, will medicaid
cover abortion? Will the National Institutes of

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Health do research using cells or tissue
taken from aborted fetuses? Or aborted embryos,

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millions and millions of your taxpayer dollars. We have to decide. It's

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a federal question. You can't wish
that into being a state question. Will

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Title six go to abortion providers in
violation of the clear language of Title six,

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which says, don't give this money
to abortion providers. It was a

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federal program to fund family planning operations
that Nixon signed, but the money has

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been going to abortion providers consistently almost
the entire history of Title six. Trump

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cut off that funding to abortion providers
in his first term. Will it be

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cut off to abortion providers in a
second term. I don't know. It's

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a federal question. It's not a
state question. You can't wish Title six

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into becoming a state program. It's
not a state program. It's a federal

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program. We have to decide where
that money's gonna go. And most importantly,

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the abortion pill miff A pristone again, this is a pill. This

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is not the morning after pill.
This is a pill to bring about an

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abortion up to ten weeks into a
pregnancy. It's the most common method of

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abortion in the country today, and
its popularity has exploded since twenty sixteen.

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And again since twenty twenty one,
when Obama and Biden loosened up the health

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and safety regulations around it and made
it wildly more accessible. Now you can

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get an abortion pill abortion with that
with just a telemedicine visit, and have

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the pill mailed to your house.
Thanks to President Biden. Will A Donald

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Trump led a Donald Trump appointed head
of the FDA push to re restrict miphi

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pristone, which is the single biggest
driver in the of abortion in the nation.

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Since Biden loosened up restrictions allowed the
abortion pill to be shipped through the

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mail, we have had one hundred
thousand more abortions per year today than we

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had in twenty twenty one, hundred
thousand more abortions per year, and they're

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all pill abortions. It's clear that
the increase is purely from pill abortions.

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So will Biden have the FDA regulated
It's a federal question. It's not a

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state question whether the FDA approves or
doesn't approve a drug, and it's there's

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a hugely solid argument that the FDA
approval for Miffi pristine was unlawfully done.

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In two thousand, President Clinton's FDA
used an expedited approval process, which is

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only to be used for diseases to
cure serious illnesses. The abortion pill does

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not cure any illness. It ends
a pregnancy. Pregnancies are not illnesses.

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There's a strong argument that its approval
was unlawful. Will Donald Trump roll it

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back. It's a federal question.
It's not a state question. So if

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you're repeating this line that, well, abortion it should just be left to

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the states, maybe it should,
but it isn't. It's a federal question,

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and no amount of wishing will make
it not a federal question. A

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president and a national political party has
to decide what it's going to do when

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we return, whether this should make
me leave the Republican Party. Next on

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The John Girardi Show, I must
confess I feel very weird right now as

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a you know, I've been a
registered Republican my whole life, and I've

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been talking the whole first half of
the show for those of you just joining

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about the new Republican platform and how
wildly disappointing I think it is, particularly

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on the questions of life, but
not not only on life, even on

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questions of you know, judges.
There's nothing the only thing. This new

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Republican platform, which was voted on
by sort of the Platform Committee, and

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usually the way this process works is
the Platform Committee drafts it, approves it,

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and then it's sort of presented to
all the delegates of the Republican Convention

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for sort of a show vote where
everyone just says, yeah, that's great,

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they vote and approve it. It's
so short. It's only fifteen pages,

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as opposed to the last normal Republican
platform we had in twenty sixteen was

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sixty six pages long, and it
gutted all the pro life language that there's

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almost nothing. There's almost nothing indicating
what the Republican Party actually thinks about abortion,

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other than that states should be allowed
to vote on it and saying that

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late term abortion is bad. There's
no specific policy questions that it addresses or

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policy proposals that it promotes. There's
no general principles that it affirms. Of

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it. It vaguely says the Republican
Party stands for Life with a capital L,

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whatever that means. Does that mean
you think that unborn children have a

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right to life? It abandons a
lot of long held things that have been

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in the Republican platform, like supporting
an Amendment to the Constitution to protect the

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Lives of the unborn that's been in
the Republican platform every four years since nineteen

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seventy six, and it all seems
to be done for the immediate political expediency

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of right now that Donald Trump pulls
better than Joe Biden on every single issue

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except for abortion, and the Trump
team recognizes that and are basically just like,

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we just want to run as far
away from this as possible and not

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commit ourselves to anything. And then
though we get lectured on, well,

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you pro lifers aren't being pragmatic.
Abortion should be left to the states anyway,

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which infuriates me as if I'm some
idiot not to understand that abortion is

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left to the states when I know
more about abortion policy than any of these

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idiots saying this, and I recognize
clearly and understand, No, there is

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a ton of abortion policy that's handled
at the federal level. It's handled,

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it's completely within the control of the
executive How can you ask me to vote

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for someone who's not committing to all
of the traditional things Republican presidents do with

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regards to the abortion question, and
who refuses to engage with stuff that's completely

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within the president's control, such as, for example, regulating the abortion pill,

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which I think is the most important
social issue facing the country. Since

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President Biden took office, the total
number of abortions in America has jumped by

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one hundred thousand per year, a
hundred thousand per year. Why because of

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his massive deregulation of the abortion pill. There are one hundred thousand more abortions

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that happen in America today than were
happening in the year twenty twenty. Because

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President Biden allows the abortion pill through
his FDA, allows the abortion pill to

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be picked up at major pharmacies and
shipped to people's houses through the mail.

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So I'm standing here as a pro
lifer wondering why President Trump is in the

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debate saying he's not going to do
anything about the abortion pill. Why JD

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Vance, who's a very likely vice
presidential pick, is out there saying he

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supports access to the abortion pill,
probably because they have some pollings saying that

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it would be an unpopular position to
want to restrict it. So with the

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platform, so that let me get
to my let me have this be uh

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focused on me. This turn by
the Republican Party on IVF and on abortion

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has made me question more than anything
else, whether I should still be a

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Republican. It honestly has, and
I feel absurd. I feel like Republicans

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right now are for the most part
exultant because it looks like they might have

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a cake walk to the twenty twenty
four residency. That there's pulling out there

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indicating that if Biden continues to look
this bad, and Biden is adamant that

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he's staying in this race, if
things continue to look this bad, Republicans

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could pick up twenty seats in the
House, they could take back the Senate,

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they could have the White I mean, if you're a Republican right now,

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this should be a time of exultation
and giddy excitement. And I think

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it's pro lifers who are the only
ones who are like despondent right now,

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because I just think the Trump team
is so hyper fixated on this idea that

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abortion is unpopular, that they're abortion
policies, that conservative abortion policies are unpopular,

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that they're just abandoning the field.
And I to hear people say things

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like, well, you got to
win first in order to do these things,

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but they're committing to not doing the
end things that I care about,

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or they're not committing to anything.
I have heard no commitment from Trump yet

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about well, what kind of Supreme
Court justices are you going to pick this

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time around? In twenty sixteen through
twenty twenty, he had an ongoing list

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of judges that he would have picked. It was a great thing. It

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was a really innovative thing for a
presidential candidate to do. Here's my actual

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list. This is my short list
of people I'd pick for the Supreme Court.

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We haven't seen that the Republican platform
has nothing about the character of the

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judges that the Republican Party is going
to try to pick, other than people

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who quote support the rule of law, which is as laughably vague and generic

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as you could possibly ask for.
And I have no commitments for any of

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the executive policies on abortion any I've
none of that. And I recognize two

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schools of thought with regards to the
platform, because this platform debate has really

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crystallized a lot of my fears and
anger and concern and it's really leading me

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to ask the question should I still
be a Republican anymore? The platform.

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One school of thought is having a
long platform as was done in twenty sixteen

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and in every Republican you know,
presidential election cycle going back to time immemorial.

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It's not a necessary thing to keep
doing nowadays. It's an unnecessary exercise

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to have a big, long platform
that goes on and on and on and

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on. You know, these things
can be political liabilities. Nobody really reads

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them anymore. It's not really that
important that the only people who really care

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about the platform are eggheads. It's
just not I'm making a mount Gerardi,

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You're making a mountain out of a
mole hill. Is kind of the sentiment

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I'm getting, And I guess I
have a very hard time accepting that any

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organization has to, at least every
couple of years take a step back and

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look at the big picture and kind
of define again who are we and what

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are we doing and what is our
purpose? The platform has always been it's

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the occasion for doing that for the
Democrats. Is the occasion for doing that

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for the Republicans? What does it
mean to be a Republican? What does

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the Republican Party actually believe? I've
advocated at times for the position that I

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think it's im almost impossible to be
a Democrat and to be a faithful Christian

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who believes in the right to life. And how how have I been able

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to argue that in the past.
Well, I mean, unless you're just

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going to accept that you are a
very much a heretical democrat, you have

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to be either a massively heretical Democrat
or a massively heretical Christian. There's no

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other way. You can't be an
Orthodox Christian and an small letter o Orthodox.

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You can't be an Orthodox Christian and
an Orthodox Democrat because there and the

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thing I would look at was the
platform. What does the platform say?

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You define what a party believes by
its platform. It's not just a totally

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useless exercise for eggheads. It is
a genuine point of reference for what it

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means to say I am a Republican. And the pro life plank was always

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the thing that would allow me to
say with any level of confidence that I

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00:33:50.160 --> 00:33:55.960
am a Republican. And if that's
not there, and if I don't have

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a clear commitment from this party that
I've been a member of my whole voting

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life, if I don't have a
clear commitment from this party that that's what

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they stand for, this issue that
I think is so singularly important, then

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what am I doing as a Republican
When we return, I want to talk

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about compromise and end goals in politics
and how I think these things are getting

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00:34:28.760 --> 00:34:35.960
inverted. Next on the John Jerrardy
Show. You pro lifers just don't understand

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00:34:36.000 --> 00:34:42.400
politics, You pro lifers, You
just refuse to compromise. You have to

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sort of sacrifice some things in order
to win. You have to win first.

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This is what I keep hearing from
people when I'm critical of President Trump

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00:34:52.440 --> 00:34:58.599
conceding so much ground on the abortion
issue, the Republican Party eliminating the pro

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00:34:58.639 --> 00:35:02.920
life planks from its platform, et
cetera, et cetera, that this is

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a You know, politics is the
art of the possible, which is such

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00:35:07.039 --> 00:35:12.679
a short sighted view. No one
thought overturning Robe Wade was possible for ages,

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00:35:12.719 --> 00:35:16.480
Should we have just abandoned our party
planks all those years saying that we

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00:35:16.519 --> 00:35:22.719
want Rob Wade to be overturned.
Nobody thought overturning Rovy Wade was possible until

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it happened, So spare me.
This politics is the art of the possible.

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No higher level politics means understanding that
politics can radically change and being willing

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00:35:36.960 --> 00:35:40.400
to aggressively pursue something as a committed, organized minority to get stuff done.

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Because committed organized minorities always get stuff
done. They often get stuff done in

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00:35:46.280 --> 00:35:52.639
improbably hugely improbable ways. Democrats never
concede on their outlandish things they believe to

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be ideals, because they know if
you shoot for the stars, if you

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shoot for the moon, maybe a
land among the stars. You shoot for

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a universal single payer healthcare, and
you get Obamacare, an enormous victory,

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an enormous ratchet that only goes one
way, that will never be undone.

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Now I am met with this critique
that, no, we gotta win first,

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we gotta win first. I am
okay with conceding things I care less

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about in order to get the things
that I care about the most. That's

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how I would view politics. I'm
willing to concede on certain kinds of things

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in order to attain certain other kinds
of long term goals. But if you

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are telling me, as a voter, we're gonna concede all of the issues

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you care about now in election time
in order to not accomplish the things you

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00:37:05.599 --> 00:37:10.440
care about, then why should I
keep voting for you? Okay, if

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the Republic if people are gonna tell
me no, we need to concede the

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pro life stuff in order to save
the country. Abortion is the thing that's

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00:37:21.840 --> 00:37:24.320
destroying the country in my view.
In my view, maybe not for yours,

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but it's in mine. Do I
care about other issues, Yes,

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I care about immigration, I care
about this, I care about that,

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But fundamentally I care about all of
it far less than I do the question

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of life. And I think there
are millions of Christian voters like me,

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and I guess Trump needs to be
very careful about alienating these people who are

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part of his base. He needs
every vote he can get, including mine,

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and I feel like he could solve
it with just a few commitments that

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wouldn't be that politically damaging to them. So don't ask me to compromise when

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you're also taking away the end goals
that I really care about. That'll do

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it for John Garrotiy show. See
you next time on Power Talk.

