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Hello, and welcome to Western Sieve
Episode two hundred and sixty two, The

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Science of Math. Last time we
talked about the Earth and the heavens.

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We started to get into astronomy,
but the Scientific Revolution addressed so many more

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aspects of life, and fairly early
on, as we're going to see today,

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the Scientific Revolution had a profound impact
on the field of mathematics. Now,

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mathematics was not its own discipline in
the year fourteen fifty. It was

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considered to be a part of philosophy. Imagine that today you sign up to

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major in philosophy fee, and then
you're required to take an advanced calculus class.

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I can imagine some philosophy majors I
know in college who would have been

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very annoyed slash terrified at that idea. The Scientific Revolution is going to free

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mathematics from philosophy without that first severing, I don't think we ever get to

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calculus, or we likely don't.
So today we digest changes that were wrought

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in the field of the mathematics by
the Scientific Revolution. Double entry bookkeeping goes

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back to at least the thirteenth century. The principle of double entry is simple.

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Every transaction is entered twice as a
credit and a debt. So if

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I buy a bar of gold worth
let's say five hundred dollars, I credit

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five hundred to my or an account, and I debit five hundred to my

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list of assets. If I borrow
five hundred, then five hundred is a

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debt to my current account and a
credit to my list of liabilities. In

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the Renaissance, the standard system involved
three books. First, there was a

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waste book, in which it recorded
everything exactly as it happened, in as

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much detail as possible. You could
refer to this in the event of a

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future dispute or confusion. Then there
was a register, in which you turned

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your record into a list of transaction. Then the account book proper, with

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debts and credits on facing pages.
If you check the account book against the

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register and the debts against the credits, then you could be confident that the

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books were accurate, and every time
you balanced the books, you could establish

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whether you were making money or losing
money. Accounting thus became the basis for

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rational investment choices and made it possible
to decide how to divide up the profits

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of a partnership. Teaching bookkeeping was
one of the main ways by which Italian

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mathematicians actually earned a living. There
was a whole school for this. Now

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there seems to be no connection,
of course, between bookkeeping and science.

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But Galileo, who probably could have
taught bookkeeping himself when he was scrabbling a

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living together in the years between fifteen
eighty five when he ceased to be a

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university student, and in fifteen eighty
nine when he obtained his first university appointment.

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When people complained to Galileo that his
law of falling did not correspond to

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the real world, because falling objects
do not accelerate continuously since they are held

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back by air resistance, he would
reply that there was simply no contradiction between

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the world of theory and the real
world, because, to quote him now,

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what happens in the concrete happens the
same way in the abstract. It

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would be novel. Indeed, if
computations and ratios made in abstract numbers should

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not thereafter correspond to concrete gold and
silver, coins, and merchandise. Just

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as the bookkeeper who wants his calculations
to deal with sugar, silk, and

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wool must discount the boxes, bales
and other packings so the mathematical scientist,

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when he wants to organize in the
concrete the effects which he has proven in

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the abstract, must adduct the material
hindrances, And if he is able to

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do so, I assure you that
things are in no less agreement than arithmetical

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computations. The error is then lie
not in the abstract or concreteness, not

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in the geometry or physics, but
in a calculator who does not how how

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to make a true accounting. Double
entry bookkeeping thus represented an attempt to make

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the real world, the world of
bolts of silk and bales of wool and

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bags of sugar, mathematically legible.
The process of abstraction, it teaches,

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is an essential precondition for this new
science. In Galileo's day, the other

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main source of mathematics in Europe was
in painting, specifically in the principles of

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perspective representation. Perspective painting was a
more recent invention than double entry bookkeeping.

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It began between fourteen oh one and
fourteen thirteen with Philippio Bruna Skelli. Bruna

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Skelly had learned that perspective drawing required
establishing a picture plan through which the scene

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is viewed, then the artist creates
an image that corresponds to how it would

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appear if a piece of glass was
placed over the plane. There needed to

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be a point of perspective and eventually
a vanishing point. All of this required

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math. Bruna Skelly had learned some
thing of enormous importance. For perspective painting

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to work, the artist and the
viewer had to have their eye located in

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the same place. While this wasn't
a vanishing point yet per se, European

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painters, for the first time in
history were on their way. Roughly two

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decades separate Bruna Skelly's first studies and
the real first large scale painting which fully

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masters the technique of perspective representation.
This is Macchiocho's famous painting of the Trinity,

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created in fourteen twenty five. Massacciotto
painting shows Christ on the Cross in

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front of a chapel with a barrel
vault, but of course the chapel does

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not exist. It is entirely a
painted chapel. Here's the difference between Bruna

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Skelly's studies and Masaccio's painting. Bruna
SkELL was representing reality. Massachoko is representing

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an imaginary space. You can use
the various picture playing techniques to paint reality,

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but if you want to paint an
imaginary world, then you have to

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work out how to construct that world
so that it appears convincing and esthetically satisfying.

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You have to decide where you want
the vanishing point and or the distance

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points to be. You have to
sketch out a grid of conveying lines.

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You have to apply the principles of
geometry, and this is exactly what Mascochio

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did. We can see the lines
he scored in the plaster on which he

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painted. We know that Brunu Skelly
discussed perspective with Mascacchio, and soon another

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artist, Alberti, would write a
textbook on geometric perspective. Perspective painting involves

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the application of theory to particular circumstances. It trains the eye to think in

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terms of geometric shapes. By the
middle of the fifteenth century, artists had

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begun to think about shapes differently.
There could be finite, infinite, abstract,

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and undifferentiated space. This is truly
the advent of the use of space

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in art. Today, types of
space and art include positive space, negative

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space, deep in, shallow space, and three dimensional space. Positive space

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refers to objects that stand out from
the negative surrounding or background. Deep space

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refers to the depth, and shallow
space refers to the lack of depth.

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All of these ideas get their beginning
in the fifteenth century, and they are

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essentially math. It's hard to express
how important this innovation was for the purpose

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of invention. Before perspective drawing,
if you want to design a piece of

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machinery, you had to make it
or a model of it. But once

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they had perspective drawing, you could
design with only a pencil itself. Invented

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in fifteen sixty, da Vinci is
a great exemplar here. He designed hundreds

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of contraptions that were never built and
frankly, could never be built. But

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the fact that his ideas could not
be converted into a physical model no longer

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held him back from dreaming and inventing. Perspective painting made the impossible possible.

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The other major revolution to human kinds
understanding of the world was the engraved plate,

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first used in fifteen forty three.
Engraved plates allowed printers to easily,

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relatively speaking, put images into books. Images that used perspective. Thus,

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by fifteen forty three, two revolutions
come together to make a new type of

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science. On the one hand,
there was perspective painting rounded in geometrical abstraction.

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On the other, the printing of
engraved plates supplemented by text produced on

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a printing press. Perspective painting goes
back to fourteen twenty five, engraved prints

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to at least fourteen twenty eight,
the printing press to fourteen fifty. The

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fall of Constantinople, one consequence of
which was a flood of Greek manuscripts and

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Greek speaking scholars entering the Latin speaking
West from the east, occurred in fourteen

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fifty three. Why then, did
it take a further century to complete the

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transformation brought about by the mechanical reproduction
of perspective images. There's two answers to

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this question. First, the immediate
priority of publishers in the years after the

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invention of printing was to publish the
vast body of religious, philosophical, and

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literary texts which had been inherited from
the past, first the Latin texts,

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and then from more limited audience,
the Greek ones. The first reliable addition

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of Galen on which Visalius had worked, appeared in Basil in fifteen thirty eight.

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Second, a long cultural revolution still
had to take place, in which

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book learning came to seem of lesser
importance than direct experience. That revolution began

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with Columbus. In fourteen sixty four, a German astronomer, Johannes Mueller,

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known as Reggio Montanus. Reggio Montanas
was a version of the place he came

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for, Klnisberg in Latin, gave
a lecture at the University of Padua.

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Reggio Montanus had recently completed an exposition
and commentary on Ptolemay's astronomy, begun by

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his mentor, George Purebuck. This
was to become the standard textbook in advanced

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astronomy for the whole of the sixteenth
century, and in its Purebach and Reggiomontanus

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did not hesitate to criticize Ptolemay for
his errors. In fourteen sixty four,

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Reggio Montanas was writing on a path
breaking guide to plain and spherical trigonometry,

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which laid out the mathematical foundations for
astronomical calculations. He had learned Greek in

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Vienna in order to read Ptolemay in
the original and in Italy. He had

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been able to read in Greek Archimedes, who had been translated into Latin in

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the Middle Ages but was not yet
available in print. Reggio Montanus was the

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first to really benefit from the supply
of ancient Greek texts that reached Italy after

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the fall of Constantinople. At the
time of his lecture in Padua, less

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than a decade after the publication of
the Gutenberg Bible, the printing revolution was

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only just beginning to get under way. Euclid, for example, was first

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printed in Latin in fourteen eighty four, in Greek in fifteen thirty three,

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and finally in Italian in fifteen forty
three, in English in fifteen seventy.

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Reggio Montanus's lecture thus marks a key
moment in the re acquisition of Greek mathematics

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and points towards the ambitious program for
the publication of mathematical texts that Reggio Montanus

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developed, though he died, as
I'll talk about more in later episodes before

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it could be carried out. Reggio
Montanus also spoke in praise of the mathematical

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sciences, and he praised them by
Denacra. Aristotelian philosophy taught new universities.

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Even Aristotle, he wrote, if
he came back to life, would not

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be able to make sense of what
was said by his modern disciples. In

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fourteen seventy one, Reggiomontanus worked out
a procedure for measuring the parallax of heavenly

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bodies and so their distance from the
earth. His procedure presumed the use of

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what was called a cross staff,
which was an instrument invented by a Jewish

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rabbi, Levi Ben Gerson in thirteen
twenty eight. It's a very simple instrument.

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Essentially, it's just a calibrated shaft
along which a bar slides. You

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cite the shaft and move the bar
back and forth until you've lined up its

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ends with two points, and the
angle can then be read off the scale

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from the shaft. You can use
a cross staff, for example, to

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measure the angle between the horizon and
the sun at mid day. If you

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know the date and you have the
right tables, you can then read off

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your la stude. This of course
involves squinting at the sun, which a

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lot of pilots in the early age
of the age of discovery wind up going

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blind from Alternatively, at night,
you could measure latitude directly by measuring the

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angle between the horizon and the pulstar. The cross staff is merely one of

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a series of instruments, such as
the quadrant or sextant, designed for measuring

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angles by taking sightings. Before it
was invented, the Astra lab had provided

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a sighting device and also a method
for measuring the height of the sun from

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its shadow. Again, with this
device, you can establish your latitude if

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you know your time of day.
But more importantly, for most uters,

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you could tell the time of day
if you know your latitude and the date.

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Specialist forms of all these instruments were
developed for surveying, for astronomy,

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for navigation, but the basic principle
that angles could be used to determine distances

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or times was the same for all
of them. So what we're seeing in

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the early part of the scientific revolution
is for the first time, math is

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getting consistent and consistently used amongst different
practitioners in surveying. If you know how

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far away a building was, it
was now easy to calculate its height.

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Suppose you wanted to scale the walls
of a fortress which were on the other

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side of a river. You could
take two measurements in a straight line with

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the building, and from the distance
between the measurements and the difference between the

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angles as measured with a cross staff, you could calculate the height of the

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walls and make your ladders to the
right height. The basic principles involved had

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been described by Euclid and we're well
understood in the Middle Ages. They are

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exactly the same principles as are involved
in perspective painting. But where perspective painting

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takes a three dimensional world and turns
it into a two dimensional surface, Reggio

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Montanas was now trying to take a
two dimensional image the night sky and turn

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it into a three dimensional world.
To do so, you have to,

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in effect moved from monocular vision to
binocular vision. So the principle of the

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parallax is what enables mathematicians to do
this. It's a variation of the basic

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principle that if you know one angle
and one side of an equal adteral or

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right sided triangle, you can determine
the other angles and sides. It thus

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requires not one measurement but two.
For example, hold your finger up in

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front of you. Not if your
driving, close your left eye again.

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Not. If you're driving and know
where your finger appears to be against the

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background, then switch eyes immediately.
Your finger is going to jump to the

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right. If you know your distance
between your eyes and measure the angle that

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corresponds to the apparent shift in your
finger's position, you can calculate exactly how

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far away your finger is, although
of course no one's going to do that.

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In this case, the distance between
your eye is significant portion of the

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distance between your eyes and your fingers. If you're trying to measure the distance

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to an object that was very far
away, you would have to set up

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two observation spots that were far apart, or at least would seem to be.

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Reggio Montanus grasped that an astronomer does
not have to travel in order to

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get two observation points that are in
effect far apart. If the heavens rotate

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around the center of the universe,
and if that center is at or near

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the center of the Earth, then
the observation point of the astronomer who is

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on the surface of the Earth changes
in its relationship to the heavens as they

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move. Simply because the astronomer is
not looking at the heavens from the center

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of the universe, but from a
point that is distant from the center.

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So imagine you're standing at the immediate
dead center of a merry go round or

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a carousel on which horses are arranged
in concentric circles. At the center is

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a stationary round platform, around which
the circle of horses, each taking the

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same time to complete a circuit,
revolve. As you look outwards and the

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horses turn around you, the relative
position of the horses will remain the same.

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A horse which is in line with
another horse at one moment will still

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be in line with it a quarter
of a revolution later. But if you

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take a few steps in any direction
until you reach the edge of the stationary

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platform, then the relative position of
the horses will appear to change all the

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time perspective changes. Moreover, if
you know the size of the stationary platform

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the distance to the outer ring of
the horses, then you can use changes

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in relative position of the horses in
the two other rings to work out how

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far away they are. In essence, Reggio Montanas figured out that you could

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measure the parallax of heavenly bodies by
taking two observations from the same place but

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at different times, rather than taking
two observations from different places but at the

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same time. Although Reggio Montanas worked
out how to make such a measurement in

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fourteen seventy one, the full account
of this procedure didn't get published until fifteen

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thirty one. Unfortunately, in fifteen
forty eight, a text apparently by Reggio

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Montanas was published which claimed to measure
the parallax of the comet which had appeared

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in fourteen seventy two, and to
confirm that it was as close to the

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Earth because the paradox was a whopping
six degrees, placing it much closer than

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the moon, which had a diurnal
parallax about one degree. Now sadly,

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recent historians have established that this particular
paper was not written by Reggio Montanas.

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It was found amongst his papers when
he died. It was presumably in his

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handwriting. However, he didn't write
it. He might have been working on

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it, he might have been copying
something on it. But we'd know that.

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No one in the sixteenth century realized
this, and that turned out to

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be the cause of a lot of
confusion then in fifteen seventy two, the

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world changed again. Astronomer Tico Brahey
noticed a new star in the sky.

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For a time, it was the
brightest object in the heavens other than the

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Sun and the moon, brighter even
than Venus. Such events only occur once

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in a thousand years or so,
and unlike a comet, the new star

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stood still, which made it much
easier to measure its parallax. All over

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Europe astronomers were literally obsessed with it. Since they now knew Reggio Montanus's real

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technique for measuring parallax, they naturally
tried to apply it. Some found a

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measurable parallax, but others insisted that
they couldn't it didn't exist accurately. Measuring

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parallax from far was easy, particularly
as it required a more exact measurement of

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time than a sixteenth century clock could
provide, but showing that there was no

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measurable parallax was much more straightforward.
All one had to do was hold up

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a thread as a sighting device and
find two stars that were exactly in line

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with this new one, but north
or south of it. If the same

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stars were exactly in line with the
nova later that same night, then there

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was no parallax. This simple technique
was actually employed by the teacher of Johannes

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Kepler later on. And if there
was no parallax, then the comet must

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be a vast distance away, far
further than the Moon, whose parallax was

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quite easy to measure, and it
must be super luminary, not a sublunary

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body. But how to explain the
appearance of a new star in the heavens?

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Since there could be no natural explanation
assuming the star was indeed the heavens,

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the event was just a miracle sent
by God. The finest astronomers and

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astrologers, including Thomas Diggs in England, racked their brains in an attempt to

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figure out what it might portend,
and hastened to publish their conflicting conclusions,

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making matters more complicated. The new
star of fifteen seventy two was followed by

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a new Comment of fifteen seventy seven, and here again parallax measurement placed the

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comment far beyond the moon, where
a nova or a new star could possibly

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regard it as a miracle. A
comment was too commonplace to be handled in

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that way. Ra Hay worked out
a further problem that could be solved by

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measuring parallax. A crucial difference between
the Ptolemaic system on the one hand and

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the Copernican system on the other was
that under these modern systems, Mars must

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at all times approach much closer to
the Earth than under the Ptolemaic system.

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Ra Hay at first thought he had
obtained a reliable figure for the parallax of

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Mars, which proved the Ptolemaic system
was mistaken, although he later realized there

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were problems with that Reggio Montana.
This procedure for measuring parallax ideally involved comparing

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the apparent position of a celestial object
soon after dark with its apparent position not

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long before dawn, thus maximizing the
parallax to be measured. Neither the New

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Star of fifteen seventy two nor the
Comment of fifteen seventy seven set in the

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night sky viewed from northern Europe,
so the ideal procedure was inapplicable. In

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the case of Mars. There was
no choice but to make measurements when the

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planet was nearly in line with the
Sun, and thus it never rose high

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above the horizon at night. In
measuring the location of an object near the

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horizon, ray had to allow for
the refraction caused by the greater thickness of

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the atmosphere which with its rays had
passed, and eventually what he found was

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that he had miscalculated this. But
as was the case in many times in

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the scientific Revolution, what mattered not
was that the individual was wrong. The

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fact that tco Brian was wrong about
Mars didn't make a difference. What mattered

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was his method was right, and
the observations that he took day after day,

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night after night, proved instrumental for
later astronomers who are able to correct

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the error. Again, this all
gets down to whether or not Europeans are

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allowed to question knowledge under the ancient
classical system. The answer is absolutely not.

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And so even if you don't understand
any of this stuff about parallaxes and

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so on and so forth, and
I only loosely grasp it, what you

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should come away with this is understanding
that for the first time people were willing

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to take math and try to apply
it in new, in unique ways to

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the world, in a way in
which our understanding of the natural world became

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so much more systematized, so much
easier to measure, and this is a

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great example of a few fundamental features
of the scientific Revolution. The first is

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inevitability. Once Reggio Montanas developed a
system for measuring parallax and published it,

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astronomers were set on a path that
could only lead to proving Aristotle and Ptolemy

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were wrong. The second feature is
time. Delays in publication meant that it

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took a long time for the inevitable
conclusions to hit home, but ultimately that

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would not matter because of a shift
in the mindset from Europeans from theorizing and

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logical argument to experimentation and objective proofs. Once a discovery had been made,

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there was no one making it,
not that some didn't try. We'll get

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into the inquisition here in a few
weeks when I discuss reactions to the scientific

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Revolution. And while I do not
want to overly belabor the point, the

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second fundamental feature of the scientific revolution
remains the impact of the printing press.

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Printing made it possible for Ray to
survey a wide range of publications. Before

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he turned his gaze to the skies, he looked to a book, well

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multiple books, none of which would
have been possible without printing. Historians of

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science have often and rightly suggested that
the key to the scientific revolution is the

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math the midization of nature. Aristotle
and Ptolema had assumed that the heavens were

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mathematically legible, and indeed Ptolemy had
devised techniques for reading them. One aspect

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of the scientific revolution consists in the
extension of mathematical theories to include sublunary phenomena.

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Where Aristotelian physics was preoccupied with qualities
the four elements earth, air,

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fire, and water, and embody
the four qualities hot, dry, cold,

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and wet. You'll remember that from
the four humors, the new physics

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was preoccupied with movements and quantities that
could be measured, and it quickly led

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to attempts to measure the speed of
falling bodies, the speed of sound,

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00:29:48.880 --> 00:29:53.400
and the weight of air. Where
Aristotle had assumed that each element behaved differently,

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the new physics assumed that all heavy
objects could be thought of as the

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same. Where Aristotelian physics had depended
on all five senses, the new physics

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relied only on site. While traditional
histories suggest that the mathematization of science started

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in the seventeenth century with new physics, really, we do get a glimpse

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of it much earlier through perspective painting. Galileo learned math from Hostilio Ricci,

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who by trade was a teacher of
perspective to artists, not astronomers. The

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amazing thing is how an innovation in
one field can now jump to another.

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It can lead to innovations in other, seemingly unconnected branches of science. In

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the sixteenth century, perspective and coordinators
made the jump from perspective painting to geography.

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Now there wasn't necessarily anything new about
this. Cicero had thought that geography

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was a branch of geometry. With
geometry came abstraction. Perspective is represented with

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two parallel lines converging towards a vanishing
point. It's in fact a grid used

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00:31:21.480 --> 00:31:25.359
by artists to establish a picture plane, and the exact same thing can be

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done to establish latitude and longitude.
Geometry, by the way, also acquired

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00:31:32.640 --> 00:31:37.400
new importance as a result of the
invention of gunpowder. Fortifications had to be

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built to resist cannonballs, which fly
in straight lines at least as a bird

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season. In order to provide raking
and flanking fire along every wall, forts

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needed to be designed on the page
with very carefully measured angles and distances.

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Thus, if we were to ask
how the scientific revolution became mathematized, the

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answer is clear. Perspective painting led
to cartography, which led to navigation and

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proper astronomy, and ultimately to ballistics. And in many cases all of these

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00:32:15.359 --> 00:32:23.240
changes in innovations happened simultaneously, with
one technique jumping seamlessly from one branch of

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science to the next. These were
like real things too, that made a

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00:32:29.680 --> 00:32:34.720
difference in the actual world. In
sixteen twenty two, for example, a

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00:32:34.799 --> 00:32:39.640
fleet of Dutch ships tried to seize
the Portuguese colony of Macao. A Jesuit

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mathematician did the geometry calculations to determine
the distance to a stockpile of gunpowder that

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00:32:46.640 --> 00:32:51.640
Dutch had brought ashore, and the
angle of elevation at which the cannon should

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00:32:51.640 --> 00:32:57.039
be set. A direct hit turned
the tide of that battle and ensured that

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Macau remain a Portuguese colony. Bus
If we ask how did the scientific revolution

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become mathematized, the answer is through
the different fields that I've already laid out.

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And of course, and again I
don't want to keep the laboring this

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00:33:14.440 --> 00:33:20.440
point, but the answer is also
because of printing, because printing allowed the

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00:33:20.480 --> 00:33:25.000
spread of ideas from one branch of
science to the next, and often within

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00:33:25.039 --> 00:33:30.640
the same. Frankly, first and
foremost, we might want to think about

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the scientific revolution as a revolt,
a revolt by the mathematicians against the authority

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of philosophers, an authority they had
held for thousands of years. We'll end

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00:33:45.559 --> 00:33:51.240
it there for today, before continuing
with the scientific Revolution next week. As

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00:33:51.319 --> 00:33:54.640
always, if you would like additional
content, click on any of the links

345
00:33:54.640 --> 00:34:00.119
in the show notes you can access
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346
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accountants see what extra benefits patrons do acquire

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two point zero. You can get the

349
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whole story go all the way back
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350
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in much greater detail and with much
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