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Hello, and welcome to Western CIV. Episode two hundred and seventy three Galileo,

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Part five. We've talked a lot
about Galileo and his role in modernizing

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science in the West. Galleo probably
would not have qualified as an experimental scientist

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in our sense of the term,
but certainly he was the first real experimental

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scientist in the West if we compare
him to everyone who came before him.

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It is the break with the past
that matters with Galileo, and when talking

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about Galileo, that break is huge. Today we get more into the nuts

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and bolts of why we all know
the name Galileo. Today we start to

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look at Galileo and Copernicanism and how
his publications drew the ire of the church,

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and how that conflict shaped the future
of science in so many ways.

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Between sixteen eleven and sixteen thirteen,
Galileo attempted the impossible. He wanted to

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try to bring science and religion together. Today many churches do this and do

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this very effectively. Many denominations don't
take the Bible literally. They see sciences

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explaining the how how did God create? Not the why. The why remains

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the realm of the mystical. But
in the seventeenth century this division just wasn't

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a thing. It was assumed that
science should be firmly subordinated to script Scripture,

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which was to be read literally.
From sixteen thirteen to the end of

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his life, Galileo would try to
separate religion and science, but that doesn't

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mean that we should ignore the preceding
two years when he really tried to become

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the world's foremost Catholic scientist. To
understand this strategy, it's crucial to understand

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that Galleo's adversaries were not at this
point the entirety of the Church. Really,

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his only enemies were ardent Aristotelians believed
that these men were nothing more than

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slaves. Blindly following everything Aristotle wrote, Aristotelians only looked at the paper world

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constructed by Aristotle and they assumed it
was true, completely ignoring the supreme level

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of contradiction with the real world that
they were experiencing. Every educated person knew

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that Aristotle was not easy to reconcile
with Christianity. According to the most reputable

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authorities, Aristotle regarded the universe as
having always existed. In other words,

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this denied creationism. He denied the
immorality of the soul, and he left

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no conceptual space for miracles. Galeo
would have been a well aware of the

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deep suspicion with which the Church regarded
the teaching of strict Aristotelian philosophers. It

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was thus natural for any opponent of
Aristotelian philosophy to wonder if an alternate philosophy

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might be easier to reconcile with Christianity. Galileo not only thought about this,

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but also took advice, and the
advice was that he should emphasize the creation

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of the world and the mutability of
the heavens. Both of these were denied

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by Aristotle but asserted by the scriptures. Thus Galileo was not only interested in

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forming a close alliance with the Jesuits, in building ties with such key cardinals

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as Mifeo Babini and with prominent pious
layman also publishing in Rome. He was

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also committed to claiming that the new
astronomy was also more Christian than the old

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astronomy. That Agossi produced a substantial
theological argument to this effect, one that

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he hoped would be published alongside Galileo's
letters on Sunspots and the Letters on Sunspots

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contained an important passage where Galileo insisted
that the sun spots demonstrated against Aristotle that

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the heavens were mutable, and that
this corresponded with the teaching of Holy Scripture.

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When the text was submitted to the
censors, however, this was one

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of three passages that were struck out. The censors adamantly refused to allow any

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theological discussion in the Book on Sunspots
and insisted that the question about whether the

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Bible was compatible with Aristotelian teaching on
the immutability of the heavens was far from

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straightforward, and in any case it
was a matter for theologians, not mathematicians.

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Galleo tried repeatedly to retain his core
argument while revising his text, but

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no compromise could be reached. This
was, in a sense lucky for Galleo.

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It meant that later when he claimed
that he was interested only in discussing

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science, not religion, there was
no obvious evidence to contradict him, and

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the result is that the logic of
his activities in these years became invisible to

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the modern reader. Now, Galileo
was full of confidence as he sat down

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to write his work on sun spots
in May of sixteen twelve, And why

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shouldn't dp He had proof that sun
spots were real. The sun did change.

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The proof was right there, you
could see it. Hence Aristotle's position

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that the heavens didn't change was wrong. All you had to do was look,

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and you'd be forced to agree.
Galileo truly believed in the summer fall

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and early winter of sixteen twelve that
this was it. This was the end

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of the line for Aristotelian logic.
His letter on sun spots would prove to

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be its death blow. With hindsight, we know that Galileo badly misjudged the

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situation. Sixteen twelve would prove to
be the high point of his relationship with

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the Church, would be all downhill
from here, But of course Galileo did

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not know that in sixteen twelve.
By December of sixteen twelve, Galileo had

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virtually completed his career as a practicing
scientist. Every important discovery that he was

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going to make he had now made, and one great discovery had slipped through

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his grasp. He had noticed one
night that once a small star seemed to

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be further from its nearest neighbor than
it had been the night before. What

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he had actually seen, though,
was a new planet, Neptune, a

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planet which was not properly discovered until
eighteen forty six. But the idea of

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a new planet had not occurred to
Galileo, so he did not linger over

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this abnormality. He continued to work
on tables of Jupiter's moons, but otherwise

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he stopped exploring the heavens. In
his discourse on Floating Bodies, he had

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published a major illustration of the experimental
method. He went on experimenting now and

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again that all of his important experiments
were in the past. He was about

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to turn forty nine years old,
and he already had a sense of himself

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as being old and of time being
short. What he needed to do now

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was publish the work he already had
in hand. But this was not to

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prove straightforward. Of course, everything
that happens from sixteen thirteen onward depends not

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necessarily on Galileo but on Copernicus.
The first indication that Galileo's position might be

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deteriorating, rather than improving, came
in the morning of the twelfth of December

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sixteen thirteen, Benedito Castilli had breakfast
with the Grand Duke, the Duchess,

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and the Grand Duke's mother, Christina
of Lorraine, who were on one of

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their periodic visits to Pisa. Also
present, amongst others was a piece an

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Aristotelian philosopher Cosmo Bascali. Castili,
as one might expect, had spoken up

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in praise of Galileo's latest scientific discoveries. Buscallo had conceded that galiles those telescopic

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discoveries were indeed to be trusted,
but he rejected the idea of a moving

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Earth, which he said was contrary
to scripture. Castilli finished his meal and

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left, but just as he had
emerged from the palace, porter came chasing

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after him to summon him back to
Christina's room. There he found the group

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from breakfast had gathered, and Christina
had set about to prove that Copernicanism was

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contrary to the Bible. Castilian reply
defended Copernicanism and had the support of everyone

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present apart from Christina and Bascalini.
Galileo, having received a detail account of

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the discussion from the two sources,
wrote a letter back to Castilli on the

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twenty first of December, copies of
which were soon in circulation. Now there

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was nothing particularly alarming about the debate
in the Ducal Palace on December twelfth,

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sixteen thirteen, but a year after
Galileo had written to Castilli. On the

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twenty first, a Dominican preacher in
Florence, Tomaso Cassini, whose text for

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the day was a passage in the
Old Testament about the sun standing still during

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Joshua's battle against the Amorites, he
publicly attacked Copernicanism. In fact, his

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goal was to get the Inquisition to
open a formal investigation into Galileo. Galleo

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evidently got word of these intentions.
On the sixteenth of February. He sent

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a letter in his own defense to
Piero Dini, a sympathetic Roman clergyman,

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suggesting that he might pass it on
to the leading mathematician of the Jesuit order

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and to the leading theologian on the
Inquisition, Cardinal Betamini, which Dini promptly

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did. In the end, what
Galileo was hoping to do was to take

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advantage of a rift between the Jesuit
order and the Dominican order within the Catholic

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Church. His hope was that the
Jesuits would take his side against his Dominican

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opponents. Now, meanwhile, the
Archbishop of Pisa warned Castili against Copernicanism,

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and Castily told the bishop that he
had returned the letter to Galileo, but

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that he would ask him for a
copy. Castili promptly wrote to Galleo,

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urging him to take this opportunity to
make final revisions to his text. In

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fact, Galileo already suspected that he
had been denounced to the Inquisition in Rome,

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and so on the sixteenth of February
he had sent Deni a copy of

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the letter, drawing attention to the
possibility that this text might differ from that

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being circulated by his opponents. What
this strongly suggests is that Galileo altered the

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text, and that the new text
was a lot less aggressive than the prior

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one. In the end, he
didn't really have to be worried. The

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Inquisition looked at the version supplied by
the informants, thought the wording was sometimes

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unfortunate, but that the arguments by
and large were unexceptional. Galleo's fundamental premise

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in his open letter to Castili was
straightforward. The Bible is the word of

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God, but it is adapted to
human capacities. So are there are plenty

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of statements in the Bible that we're
not supposed to take is literally true.

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Those are God's way of communicating,
not with philosophers but with ordinary people.

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Nature is, like the Bible,
a book in which we can trace God's

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doing. But nature is not adapted
or modified in order to be understood by

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us. So when it comes to
scientific questions, our direct knowledge of nature

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must always take priority over whatever the
Bible may have to say on the subject,

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because there are always grounds for uncertainty
as to quite how the Bible is

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to be interpreted. Now, honestly, matters might have just ended there.

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Galileo had been denounced and he had
been cleared. In addition, he had

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protested his personal piety and willingness to
obey. But the inquisition was now interested

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in two questions. First, what
else could be discovered about Galleo? And

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second, probably the more important question, was Copernicanism itself, now to be

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regarded as heretical in all cases.
Tamaso Cassini shows up in the Galileo story

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again in March of sixteen fifteen.
There we find him summoned to Rome to

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provide supporting testimony against Galileo. He
alleged that Galileo preached three things. One

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God is not a substance but an
accident. Two God must be a physical

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entity because he has senses, and
number three, there are simply no such

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things as miracles. At the time, all these allegations did next to nothing.

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None of them were actually new allegations, and swiftly everyone assumed that Galileo

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would be cleared of all charges.
The Florentine inquisitor uncovered some evidence that Galileo

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was an atomist, a natural philosophy
proposing that the physical universe is composed of

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fundamental, indivisible components known as atoms, but even that didn't gain much traction.

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In fact, this whole line of
inquiry just tended to go nowhere.

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Indeed, in the eyes of the
Florentine inquisitor, it was convenient that it

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should. The Archbishop of Pisa had
vouched for Castilli, insisting there was nothing

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suspicious in his claim that he no
longer possessed Galileo's letter. The inquiry had

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been delayed, and everyone had been
gently reminded that Galileo was under the protection

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of the Medici family in Rome.
They could see that there was no point

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in banging their heads against a brick
wall. But we need not be as

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quick as they were. Its lego
of these questions for the conversations of Galileo's

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disciples are interesting. The charge of
atomism was certainly well founded. Both Galileo

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and his closest disciples were atomists.
Soon after his return to Florence in sixteen

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ten, for example, Galleo converted
the young Giovanni Camillie to atomism, a

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doctrine Camillii remained firmly attached to for
the rest of his life, and Galleo's

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own account of his position seemed to
leave no room at all for belief in

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miracles, which suggests that the rumors
that his disciples were moving around was accurate.

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Moreover, we know things now today
that the Inquisition simply didn't know.

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We know much more about Galleo than
they did. It's really a striking fact

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that in the hundreds of letters written
by Galileo that survived, there's absolutely no

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spontaneous expressions of piety. Such expressions
occur only when he has himself been charged

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with impiety and This was really against
the norm. And I have to stress

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that if you look at all the
correspondences from people throughout the early modern period,

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expressions of piety, spontaneous expressions of
piety extremely common. In fact,

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there was no attempt to invoke the
ordinary, almost routine miracles that formed a

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part of counter Reformation spirituality. Now
this is actually in opposition to Benedicto Castilli.

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Castilli was a scientist. He was
both a Copernican and an atomist,

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but he was also a monk who
was extremely pious. When he was seasick

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and feared drowning, he asked that
his abage should be told so that he

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can pray for him. When Castily
was ill, we have writings where he

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was praying to Saint Philip Needy and
the saint, according to him, here's

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him in church. He writes how
he sometimes hears sermons that feed his soul.

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If you're looking for evidence that you
can be an early modern scientist and

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a pious Catholic, then Adito Castily
is that evidence. And the problem that

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we get into with Galleo a lot
of times is that so many, especially

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early modern biographers, want to desperately
prove that he was a good Catholic in

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addition to being a great scientist.
Now the problem, of course in all

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of this is Galileo is not,
and never was Beneditto Castilli. We have

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no evidence of Galileo praising preachers,
or praying to saints, or even purchasing

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indulgences. Only rarely does he ask
others to pray for him. Frankly,

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this might be one of those times
when the lack of evidence becomes evidence.

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Galileo is utterly silent on religion.
One contemporary wrote, quote, Galileo never

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spoke of Jesus end quote. There's
no direct evidence as to what he thought

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about Christ. So, like other
men of his age, I mean recall

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neither Cortes nor pis Ro wrote about
their piety, we might have considered him

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quite agnostic. Galileo, unlike many
of his contemporaries, seems to have been

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quite unwilling to admit that God would
or even could intervene in historical time.

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And there are more examples of Galileo's
alleged impiety. In sixteen twelve, Julius

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Caesar le Galla had argued that,
if it were up to nature, the

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entire surface of the world would be
covered with water, but God, by

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his peculiar providence, had arranged for
there to be dry land. Galileo's response

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to this was not pious in the
least. He wrote, quote, if

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water does not cover the entire surface
of the globe because providence of the divine

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architect, then you should not say
that it would be more in accord with

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nature if water covered the entire surface
of the globe. For this Providence has

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imposed much better laws on parts of
the universe than that nature. Assuming that

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is that it is appropriate to distinguish
providence from nature in this way end quote.

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Galleo is saying two things here.
First, providence only operates through general

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laws. There's no such thing as
a particular providence, of which Lagala writes

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this is one hundred percent heretical,
by the way, so we should not

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be surprised if it's implicit rather than
explicit in Galleo's comment. And second,

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if providence only operates through general laws, then there's no meaningful distinction between providence

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and nature, between divine decree and
natural regularity. In other words, the

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entire concept of God itself becomes superfluous. Now. Frankly, at this point

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it looks like the Florentine inquisition was
probably right. The fact that the case

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was dropped ultimately for a lack of
evidence doesn't mean that the charges were mistaken.

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But the Roman inquisition, unable to
proceed further, simply returned to an

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earlier claim that Copernicanism should be regarded
as heresy, and if Galleos says anything

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about Copernicanism, then that's it,
end of story. According to some,

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Galileo had avowed his Copernicanism in his
letter on Sunspots, so the inquisition ordered

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that a copy of the text should
be supplied to a panel of theologians on

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the February twenty fourth, sixteen sixteen. These theologians proceeded to condemn to propositions

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number one that the sun does not
move, which they held to be quote

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foolish and absurd in philosophy, and
formally heretical, since it explicitly contradicts in

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many places the sense of the Holy
Scripture, according to the literal meaning of

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the words, and according to the
common interpretation and understanding of the Holy Fathers

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and the doctrine of theology. End
quote. That the earth moves and rotates

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once a day, which was held, if not heretical to be quote,

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at least erroneous in faith end quote. To put it bluntly, this condemnation

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was inevitable. Yet even staunch Jesuits
were not interested in totally bad discussions of

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Copernicanism. They were happy to admit
that Copernicus's calculations offered mathematicians a superior model

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for calculating the positions of the heavenly
bodies. You could do all that without

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saying that Copernicus's conclusions were true.
What we have going on at the start

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of the seventeenth century is this kind
of i'll say, uneasy truths. The

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Church could not ignore that Copernicus's math
was correct, but it refused to admit

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that his conclusions were correct, a
bizarre status quota, said the least.

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Like the Aristotelian philosophers, they were
more than happy to accept all of Galileo's

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telescopic discoveries. What they would not
accept is that those discoveries proved that Copernicanism

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was true. What all this information
conveyed to Caalleo, though, was that

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there was no real danger for him
right now. Could keep doing what he

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was doing and making discoveries and that
wasn't going to imperil his well being.

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That wasn't enough for Galileo. He
balked at the suggestion that Copernicanism wasn't compatible

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with the scriptures. Galleo insisted it
was. He wanted to prove that Copernicanism

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was true. It wasn't enough for
Galileo to be allowed to make new discoveries.

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He wanted to be able to prove
what those discoveries meant, and to

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do that he decided he would go
to Rome. The Florentine ambassador to Rome

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nearly fell out of his chair when
he heard the news. This was not

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00:24:41.920 --> 00:24:48.279
the time. He frantically wrote to
Galileo to try and get Roman authorities to

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adopt new ideas. The present pope
was extremely conservative, but Galileo would not

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be dissuaded, and as soon as
he rived in Rome, he felt like

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he was directly engaged with battle in
his opponents, and his health improved everywhere

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00:25:07.440 --> 00:25:11.920
he went. He announced that Copernicus
had provided an account of the physical structure

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of the universe and not a mere
mathematical model. Onlookers admired his performances,

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while completely unconvinced by his reasoning.
By bringing the conflict out into the open

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by refusing to compromise, by insisting
that matters be settled one way or the

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other. Galileo hoped to obtain one
thing above all else, peace of mind,

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00:25:37.480 --> 00:25:41.000
but it didn't do any good.
He soon found that people who counted

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were willing to take delivery of written
arguments, but not willing to enter into

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00:25:45.200 --> 00:25:49.519
open discussions and debates. So Galileo
shifted tax and he did put all of

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his arguments into writing. And it's
a good thing too. Because he put

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00:25:53.799 --> 00:25:57.240
all of his arguments into writing,
we can reconstruct exactly what they were.

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And this is by far and away
Galileo's strongest advocacy of Copernicanism. So he

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00:26:03.960 --> 00:26:08.920
wrote five main claims. First,
that Copernicus had never intended to provide an

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account of how the universe is really
constructed, only to brought an aid in

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00:26:14.720 --> 00:26:21.839
calculation. Second, Copernicus need not
be taken seriously because there were hardly any

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Copernicans. If Copernicanism was right,
would have general support. But Galleo insisted

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00:26:27.440 --> 00:26:33.200
that there were more Copernicans than were
generally recognized, particularly as many were cautious

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about declaring their views in public.
But he also tried to turn a major

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weakness in his position into a strength. What was crucial was that every Copernican

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had once been an orthodox Aristotelian.
How then to explain their conversion. The

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00:26:49.640 --> 00:26:53.920
only possible explanation, he claimed,
was the strength of the arguments in favor

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00:26:53.920 --> 00:27:02.359
of Copernicanism. Galleo thus sought not
entirely successfully be said to turn being a

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00:27:02.400 --> 00:27:07.920
minority from a disadvantage into an advantage. Where his opponents were happy to declare

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00:27:07.119 --> 00:27:11.440
a bias in favor of tradition,
he was prepared to argu in favor of

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a bias toward innovation. New arguments
were more likely to be right than old

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00:27:17.079 --> 00:27:23.720
arguments, because new arguments implied new
thinking. And his third claim that because

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theology was the leading edge of science, it was perfectly proper for theologians to

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settle disputes between astronomers. Here,
Galileo argued that one had to distinguish between

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the subject matter of a body of
knowledge and the expertise of those who studied

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it. The subject matter of theology, which concerned itself with the salvation of

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souls, was certainly superior to the
subject matter of astronomy, but this Galleo

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00:27:52.599 --> 00:27:59.359
argued, did not make theologians expert
in astronomy. In arguing in favor of

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00:27:59.440 --> 00:28:04.519
technical expertise, Galileo was presenting a
claim that seems absolutely obvious to us,

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00:28:06.119 --> 00:28:11.160
but that would have seemed much less
obvious to his contemporaries. In the first

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00:28:11.160 --> 00:28:17.000
place, Renaissance culture was much more
unified than ours is. Every theologian had

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00:28:17.000 --> 00:28:22.519
studied philosophy, including astronomy, before
studying theology. It was therefore plausible to

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00:28:22.599 --> 00:28:27.599
insist that every theologian was capable of
understanding and evaluating the arguments of astronomers.

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00:28:29.759 --> 00:28:34.079
Second, in a society in which
was sharply stratified between those who performed manual

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00:28:34.119 --> 00:28:38.559
labor and those who did not,
it was perfectly normal for gentlemen to give

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00:28:38.680 --> 00:28:45.720
orders to builders, armorers, estate
managers anyone, even though they lacked any

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00:28:45.759 --> 00:28:51.759
specialist expertise. In arguing that there
were some choices that were properly the preserve

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00:28:51.839 --> 00:28:56.839
of experts, Galileo was defending a
new type of authority. Galileo that had

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00:28:56.839 --> 00:29:03.759
to overcome the most important of all
arguments, the argument that the Bible could

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00:29:03.759 --> 00:29:08.759
not be wrong when it's said that
the sun moved here Galleo struck once more

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00:29:08.920 --> 00:29:14.640
a unique argument. He argued that
the Bible should be read in light of

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00:29:14.799 --> 00:29:22.599
current scientific knowledge, rather than science
be reconstructed to fit the Bible. In

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00:29:22.680 --> 00:29:29.279
making this argument, Galleo cites Augustine
eight times, Saint Jerome three times,

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00:29:29.599 --> 00:29:34.240
and a myriad other Biblical authors.
Now, it would be easy to form

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00:29:34.279 --> 00:29:41.559
the impression from all of these different
citations that Galileo was widely read in matters

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00:29:41.559 --> 00:29:45.640
of theology. Indeed, this is
certainly the impression he wants to give the

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00:29:45.680 --> 00:29:51.440
person reading his arguments, but it
would be a false impression. Sadly,

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00:29:51.599 --> 00:29:56.920
it seems contradicting his claims of genuine
piety. All of Galleo's theological arguments were

294
00:29:57.200 --> 00:30:03.519
second hand. Sources of them were
primary sources. All those eight citations from

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00:30:03.559 --> 00:30:10.720
Saint Augustine actually came from other people's
arguments. While the Inquisition in Rome was

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00:30:10.799 --> 00:30:17.039
willing to admit that Copernicanism might be
theoretically possible, they told Galileo that he

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00:30:17.200 --> 00:30:23.519
needed proof, and specifically that he
needed proof that the Earth moved. Galileo

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00:30:23.599 --> 00:30:30.240
believed he did have such proof in
the form of the Earth's tides. He

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00:30:30.319 --> 00:30:36.480
confided this to the cardinal whom he
felt most sympathetic to his cause, Cardinal

300
00:30:36.720 --> 00:30:41.839
Orsini. Galleo's theory of the tides
was straightforward. The speed at which different

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00:30:41.880 --> 00:30:47.240
parts of the surface of the Earth
moved through space varies. Because the Earth

302
00:30:47.599 --> 00:30:52.759
is both orbiting the Sun and rotating
on its axis, two constant movements produce

303
00:30:52.799 --> 00:31:00.279
a combined movement, which involves acceleration
and deceleration. The result on long bodies

304
00:31:00.279 --> 00:31:04.279
of water that run from east to
west is that water piles up at one

305
00:31:04.440 --> 00:31:10.839
end or the other, creating tides. Now, of course, many have

306
00:31:10.880 --> 00:31:15.920
claimed that there's a simple logical error
in Galileo's argument. They maintain that while

307
00:31:15.960 --> 00:31:22.240
acceleration and deceleration may be apparent to
someone looking at the Earth from an external

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00:31:22.279 --> 00:31:26.640
fixed point, they would never be
apparent to someone on the surface. This

309
00:31:26.759 --> 00:31:30.400
is just wrong, and the physical
principle Galleos invoking does exist, but it

310
00:31:30.440 --> 00:31:33.720
does not play a noticeable role in
the formation of the tides, which is

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00:31:33.759 --> 00:31:40.759
of course caused by the gravitational pull
of the Moon and the Sun. By

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00:31:40.799 --> 00:31:45.720
the time Galileo was ready to publish, he knew that tides varied in power

313
00:31:45.759 --> 00:31:49.400
and condition. He also understood that
there were two tides per day, not

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00:31:49.559 --> 00:31:55.519
one. These were issues he would
need to account for in any publication.

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00:31:56.440 --> 00:32:00.920
Galleo's theory of tides was thus defective, it was odds with the fact,

316
00:32:00.920 --> 00:32:07.400
and it was internally inconsistent. But
in sixteen sixteen he offered a second supplementary

317
00:32:07.519 --> 00:32:12.880
argument in support of the Earth's rotation, the fact that the trade winds blow

318
00:32:13.160 --> 00:32:16.079
from east to west. Now,
of course, it so happens that the

319
00:32:16.200 --> 00:32:21.400
rotation of the Earth is the true
cause of the directionality of the trade winds.

320
00:32:22.480 --> 00:32:25.920
Bacon, in a text surely unknown
to Galleo, had tried to explain

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00:32:25.960 --> 00:32:31.240
this phenomenon, sticking to Ptolemy as
a result of the rotating heavens rubbing against

322
00:32:31.279 --> 00:32:37.680
the Earth, and the possibility of
such an explanation may have prevented Galileo from

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00:32:37.799 --> 00:32:40.240
laying nearly as much weight on the
argument from the trade winds as on the

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00:32:40.319 --> 00:32:45.960
argument from the tides. Moreover,
nearly everyone has some experience of the tides,

325
00:32:46.480 --> 00:32:51.759
while Galleo, like most Italians,
had no experience with the trade winds,

326
00:32:52.039 --> 00:32:58.119
making it a less plausible argument.
But there's another reason why Galileo was

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00:32:58.160 --> 00:33:01.599
reluctant to acknowledge the supure periority of
the argument from trade winds over the argument

328
00:33:01.599 --> 00:33:07.119
from tides. He had invented the
latter himself, while he had borrowed the

329
00:33:07.119 --> 00:33:14.920
former from someone else. So Galileo
marshaled all his arguments in favor of a

330
00:33:15.000 --> 00:33:20.920
moving earth, in other words,
in favor of Copernicanism. He knew very

331
00:33:21.000 --> 00:33:24.480
little, however, about what was
really going on. It took him quite

332
00:33:24.480 --> 00:33:29.240
some time to establish that there was
no prospect of his being found guilty of

333
00:33:29.279 --> 00:33:32.680
heresy, and when he did,
he promptly attributed to its own presence in

334
00:33:32.799 --> 00:33:37.200
Rome and the skill with which he
had presented his case, when in fact

335
00:33:37.599 --> 00:33:42.279
there had been no danger from the
day of his arrival. And this is

336
00:33:42.319 --> 00:33:47.079
because of his greatest success with Cardinal
Orsini, who, armed with galles argument

337
00:33:47.079 --> 00:33:51.839
about the tides, approached the Pope
on his behalf on the twenty fourth of

338
00:33:51.880 --> 00:33:57.119
February, the very day actually,
when the Panel of Theologians ruled once and

339
00:33:57.160 --> 00:34:01.880
for all that Copernicanism was heretical.
It was already too late. In fact,

340
00:34:01.920 --> 00:34:06.480
it had been too late when Galileo
first talked of coming to Rome.

341
00:34:07.280 --> 00:34:12.199
But the decision of these theologians had
now to be turned into a program of

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00:34:12.280 --> 00:34:16.239
action. On March the fifth,
the Congregation of Index, part of the

343
00:34:16.280 --> 00:34:23.199
Inquisition, issued a decree banning a
book about the revolutions of the Earth and

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00:34:23.280 --> 00:34:30.199
banning all books that taught the Copernicanism
was true. Now, to be clear,

345
00:34:30.800 --> 00:34:37.719
there was no direct mention of Galileo's
letter on sunspots, presumably indeference to

346
00:34:37.760 --> 00:34:40.440
the Grand Duke of Florence, who
had made it clear that he was going

347
00:34:40.519 --> 00:34:47.440
to support his court mathematician. Even
more surprising is that the word heresy,

348
00:34:47.719 --> 00:34:52.000
which had been central to the judgment
of the Panel in the Theologians, appears

349
00:34:52.320 --> 00:34:59.880
nowhere in the Congregation's decree. Be
that as it may. On the twenty

350
00:35:00.079 --> 00:35:06.679
fifth of February sixteen sixteen, the
Pope told the Inquisition to have a talk

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00:35:06.719 --> 00:35:15.920
with Galileo. They were to warn
him that he must abandon Copernicanism. Specifically,

352
00:35:15.800 --> 00:35:21.559
he was to be read out loud
a warning directly from the Pope,

353
00:35:21.559 --> 00:35:30.119
a sort of medieval cease and desist
letter. Galileo was never to publicly support

354
00:35:30.159 --> 00:35:39.000
Copernicanism again. Now this letter is
of dramatic consequence to our story, because

355
00:35:39.679 --> 00:35:45.480
years later Galileo is going to assert
that he never heard the contents of the

356
00:35:45.559 --> 00:35:52.840
letter. He will swear that if
there ever was such a letter, the

357
00:35:52.880 --> 00:36:00.480
Cardinals never read it to him as
instructed. The question then becomes was Galileo

358
00:36:00.639 --> 00:36:09.960
given a friendly warning or was he
formally prohibited from supporting Copernicanism. To all

359
00:36:10.000 --> 00:36:15.840
the lawyers who are listening, you
will know that such a difference counts for

360
00:36:15.880 --> 00:36:23.440
a lot, especially in this case. Now there is a text, and

361
00:36:24.159 --> 00:36:30.239
this text, and we have it, does prohibit Galileo from defending Copernicanism quote

362
00:36:30.360 --> 00:36:38.840
in any way whatever, either orally
or in writing end quote. But of

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00:36:38.840 --> 00:36:46.280
course the question is is it real. When in the eighteen sixties the record

364
00:36:46.320 --> 00:36:52.920
of the Inquisition's dealings with Galileo was
made public, this document became the object

365
00:36:52.920 --> 00:36:57.960
of heated debate. Some said that
it was a forgery, introduced only into

366
00:36:57.960 --> 00:37:04.199
the file in sixteen thirty three,
about seventeen years later, in order to

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00:37:04.239 --> 00:37:09.559
make it easy to convict Galileo.
Modern scholars, however, are nearly all

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00:37:09.599 --> 00:37:15.760
agreed that the document is genuine,
and consequently that its warning was read to

369
00:37:15.800 --> 00:37:24.840
Galleo. Thus, there would be
three possibilities. One Galileo heard the letter

370
00:37:25.559 --> 00:37:32.000
and didn't say anything. Two Galileo
did hear the letter and verbally assented,

371
00:37:34.280 --> 00:37:40.360
and three Galileo never got the letter
at all. I want to be clear

372
00:37:42.039 --> 00:37:45.920
in any case, the evidence is
unequivocal, and that is that Galileo was

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00:37:46.079 --> 00:37:53.440
never handed the letter. He was
never given the formal text, so unfortunately,

374
00:37:54.039 --> 00:38:00.519
will always be stuck wondering was it
truly read to him. Ten years

375
00:38:00.599 --> 00:38:07.559
later, Galleo would prove unable to
recall precisely what happened had he been formally

376
00:38:07.599 --> 00:38:13.960
warned. He didn't think so,
but he couldn't recall for certain We will

377
00:38:14.039 --> 00:38:19.039
probably never know what happened that day. In the offices of the Inquisition,

378
00:38:19.960 --> 00:38:25.760
certainly no one wrote down a transcript
that being said. Yalleo was careful not

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00:38:25.920 --> 00:38:31.880
to mention Copernicanism in print for the
next decade, So I think the proper

380
00:38:32.000 --> 00:38:38.400
inference here is that he must have
at least understood he was not to broach

381
00:38:38.760 --> 00:38:46.039
the topic in public. On March
the eleventh, sixteen sixteen, Galileo had

382
00:38:46.079 --> 00:38:52.480
a private audience with the Pope.
Again, we do not have a transcript

383
00:38:52.559 --> 00:38:57.559
of what was said, but Galileo
left feeling reassured. We know that from

384
00:38:57.599 --> 00:39:05.719
his writings. The biggest takeaway for
Galileo from the events of sixteen fifteen sixteen

385
00:39:05.840 --> 00:39:12.159
sixteen was probably an intense mistrust of
the courts. He did not like the

386
00:39:12.199 --> 00:39:15.239
experience, and I can see why. I mean, he seemed to get

387
00:39:15.280 --> 00:39:22.880
assurances that everything was fine from multiple
people throughout the process, including evidently the

388
00:39:22.920 --> 00:39:31.760
Pope himself, and yet he was
to some extent censured. But as we

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00:39:31.840 --> 00:39:37.280
will see next week in our final
Galileo episode before we turn to the Inquisition

390
00:39:37.360 --> 00:39:47.320
and his trial, any belief that
he was safe was profoundly misguided. Now,

391
00:39:47.400 --> 00:39:52.320
as always, if you're looking for
more content before next week, you

392
00:39:52.320 --> 00:39:58.480
can get a free trial of Western
Sieve two point zero were past the wars

393
00:39:58.480 --> 00:40:02.599
of the successors at at this point
and starting to contemplate the rise of Rome

394
00:40:02.679 --> 00:40:09.840
in dramatic detail. Can check that
out either using the Patreon link or theglow

395
00:40:09.880 --> 00:40:13.840
dot com link. They're both in
the show notes, and they both offer

396
00:40:13.960 --> 00:40:17.119
seven day free trials if that's something
you're interested in.

