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Welcome to scotus Cast, a project
of the Federalist Society for Law and Public

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Policy Studies. Our contributors join us
from around the country to bring you expert

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commentary on US Supreme Court cases as
they are argued and decisions are issued.

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The Federalist Society takes no position on
particular legal or public policy issues. All

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expressions of opinion are those of the
speaker. Hello, and welcome to Scotus

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Cast. I'm your host, Kyle
hammers On, behalf of the Faculty division

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of the Federalist Society. We are
here today to discuss United States versus Rahemi,

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which was argued before the Court on
November seventh. Is my honor to

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introduce our guests today. Mark W. Smith, Professor Smith is a Presidential

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Scholar and Senior Fellow in Law and
Public Policy at the King's College. He's

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also visiting and pharmaceutical public policy and
law in the Department of Pharmacology at the

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University of Oxford. Additionally, he's
a constitutional attorney and host of the Four

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Boxes Diner YouTube channel, which provides
scholarly and historical analysis of the Second Amendment.

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And with that, I'll hand things
over to our guest, I appreciate

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that. So we had about a
ninety minute oral argument started at ten am.

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What's interesting about the Second Amendment argument
is that the government had to go

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first, because usually over the years
is those that support the right to keep

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in bear arms to keep losing in
the lower court. So it's highly unusual

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that we had a situation here where
the Second Amendment advocates, if you will,

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the person advancing the Second Amendment actually
prevailed in the lower court. Specifically,

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in a three to zero decision in
the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals out

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of New Orleans, was a decision
that said that the relevant federal statute here,

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which is a gun control statute eighteen
USSE or eighteen US Code nin to

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G eight, was unconstitutional on its
face. Is what the Fifth Circuit said.

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Specifically, what nine T two GA
says is that if you are subject

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to a civil and that's key,
if you are subject to a civil domestic

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violence restraining order, then you are
not permitted under federal law, as per

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Congress, to be able to possess
a firearm anywhere in the United States.

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And mind you, just to give
you a sense of the scope of this

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law. If you Let's say are
in a dispute, let's say with an

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ex spouse or someone you're getting to
go in through a divorce with, whatever

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it is, and let's say Boston, Massachusetts, and there is an order

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entered that says that you two are
supposed to stay away from each other during

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the pendency of the divorce. And
you go ahead and move all the way

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across the United States to Phoenix,
Arizona, thousands of miles away from your

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expouse or the person you're going through
a divorce or whatever it is, ex

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employee doesn't, whatever it happens to
be. Then under nine two G eight,

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you are not allowed to possess a
firearm even though you're thousands of miles

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away from the person who's also subject
to that domestic violence restraining order. And

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the other context I want to bring
is one of the other things that was

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raised in the Amikus brief and actually
mention an oral argument is many times these

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domestic violence restraining orders are mutual,
and what that means is that they basically

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apply to both parties, and as
you know, sometimes one party may be

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more dangerous than the other party.
Nevertheless, in for the good of the

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order, it's not unusual, and
this was brought up by many Amikus briefs.

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I believe also by several public defender
offices across the country that both parties

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are basically disarmed. And that might
be the case where a person who's a

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potential victim is disarmed as much as
the person that might be the potential perpetrator.

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And I should note that that played
a big role, as I see

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it in the Fifth Circuit's decision that
says the nine to twenty two G eight

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was unconstitutional under the Second Amendment.
Now, with that context in mind,

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let's talk about what happened, what
I think is going to happen, and

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then where I think all this goes. So begin with to cut to the

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chase. It's in my opinion that
mister Rahimi, the man, the criminal

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defendant, is likely to lose this
case. I suspect he's going to lose

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this case. It could be as
much as seven to two, eight to

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one, possibly even nine to zero. It's hard to say for sure,

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but I think that mister Rahimi himself
is going to lose this case because at

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the end of the day, the
Department of Justice, when they were arguing

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this bear in mind that in the
briefing, and this is quite interesting.

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In the briefing, the Department of
Justice argued there was really two types of

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people that legislators such as Congress can
disarm in America. One category of those

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that are not law abiding. The
other category is those who are not responsible.

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And what the Department of Justice argue
in their briefs in the he Me

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case was that if you were not
responsible and or you were not law biting,

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you could be disarmed. Now that
argument that the Department of Justice advanced

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and remembror again reminder of the Department
of Justice spoke first. The Solicitor General,

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who did a great job as she
always does, spoke first. And

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what's interesting, in literally the first
few minutes, Chief Justice John Roberts immediately

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quizzed her on this by saying,
well, let me get this straight,

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counselor, if I drive thirty miles
per hour in a twenty five mile per

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hour speed limit zone, have I
somehow basically lost my right to keep in

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durarns because now I'm not law biding, I'm not responsible. And immediately the

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Department of Justice and I think this
is going to be actually a potential prompt

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for DOJ in future cases. She
immediately conflated her position and said, no,

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not true. Really, at the
end of the day comes down to

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whether or not you, as an
American citizen are dangerous. Now what's quite

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interesting is people then, you know, the Court then kind of said,

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well, that's interesting because you know, you couldn't have said that in your

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briefs and said dangerousness was the touchstone
here, and basically the Department of Justice,

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you know, the Solicitor General kind
of said well, yeah, dangerousness

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is really the key. Yes,
we agree, but there's different ways you

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can kind of get there. And
at the end of the day, the

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court should always defer, as I
see it, this is what they argued

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to defer to the legislative body in
this case, Congress. So when that

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said, I do think that a
comment by Neil by Chief by by Justice

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Neil Gorsisch was telling because once John
robert or i say Chief Justice John Roberts

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made the comment that got the Department
of Justice to concede that really dangerousness is

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the key issue, meaning if you
are dangerous i e. A physically violent

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danger to yourself or to someone else, then you can be disarmed, which

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is really where the question from Chief
Justice John Roberts took The Department of Justice,

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Uh Justice Gorsicch then sort of followed
up and basically indicated that, hey,

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well, well, if that's the
case, then here it seems to

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me that the record is such that
mister Rahimi seems to be dangerous since,

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of course he admitted and consented to
the entry of this restraining order, and

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if you look at the terms of
the restraining order, it's essentially conceding that

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the affidavit submitted by mister Raheem's ex
girlfriend, I believe it is said he

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was violent toward her in very specific
ways. He consented and agreed to the

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sworn statement and consented to the entry
of this restraining order. It seems to

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be at that level he may very
well be deemed dangerous. And then on

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a related note, Justice Courses went
on to indicate that there seemed to be

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plenty of history at the time of
our founding, such as surety laws and

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also a fray laws that would indicate
that someone who is a violent danger to

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themselves or to others could be disarmed. That did not seem to be a

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particularly controversial proposition, so where a
lot of what happened here in the oral

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argument was the Department of Justice under
Merrick Garland and the Solicitor General of course,

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trying to broaden the scope of the
interpretive methodology of Bruin. And this

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was a very big deal because from
the point of view of the Second Amendment

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community, those interest were concerned.
I would say that because mister Raheemi himself,

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mister Rhemi, the man had a
record, at least based on the

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court filings, that he was somewhat
of an odious character. He had been

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involved with multiple shootings, he had
engaged in violence against his ex girlfriend,

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and had done other things that were
untoward. I think there was even allegations

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that he might have been connected to
being to the drug trade in certain respects.

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So on this record, obviously the
man, mister Rahimi, did not

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look particularly good or sympathetic, and
I think there was concern on the part

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of those that are want to robust
or broad interpretation of the right to keep

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in barms that this particular case could
be a problem in the sense of bad

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facts could make bad law. And
I think the flip side, of course,

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was that the Department of Justice under
Joe Biden that obviously is sympathetic as

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a general matter to more gun control. I think that's fair to say that

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the Solicitor General basically was trying to
expand the scope of those types of people

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that could be viewed as able to
be disarmed, and on a related note,

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was trying to expand the scope of
historical analog laws that could be used

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to justify modern day gun control law. And I'll get to those specifics in

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just a couple minutes here. So, with that tension going on, I

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would say, mister Raheemi will lose
this case. There will be a holding

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that eighteen USC. Nine to twenty
two G eight on its face is constitutional.

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However, so at one level,
mister Raheemi is not going to be

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happy. But then the question becomes
is when the decision comes out, how

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will let's say the Biden administration view
the outcome of the case favorably or unfavorably,

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And how will let's say the Second
Amendment community view the case favorably or

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unfavorably. Here's where I think it's
going to come out, and then I'll

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elaborate on the Range case, which
I think is coming down the Pike.

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I think the Department of Justice is
going to view this as a missed opportunity.

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I think they thought this is a
very strong case for them to again

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have bat backs make bad law.
And I think that they were very excited

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at the prospect of pushing this Raheemi
case to the front of the line of

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Second Amendment cases before the Supreme Court, because historically Second Amendment cases that are

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brought before the Court tend to be
very sympathetic towards the citizen. Hell or

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you had an individual that was a
former law enforcement officer who could not get

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a handgun MacDonald was, you had
Otis MacDonald on an individual who lived in

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Chicago, in a crimer in an
area could not get a handgun, a

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sympathetic second amendent plaintiff. In the
Kaitano versus Massachusetts case, you had Jamie

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Kaitano, a woman who had been
stocked by an ex boyfriend and needed to

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use a stun gun to protect herself. So the and of course, when

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you had individuals that were undeniably upstanding
citizens that just wanted to carry a gun

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for self defense, when they could
carry a gun for all other reasons,

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but for self defense, so in
every single one of those Second Amendment cases,

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we saw the really the citizen was
very sympathetic. So in this instance,

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with mister Raheemi, his background and
the allegations in the record, he

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obviously was nowhere near any of those
other individuals. So I think that again

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the idea being this was a very
good case to really test what's known as

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the Brewin methodology of interpreting this Second
Amendment, which is the text first,

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that historical analog loss. Second.
I think the idea on the part of

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the Department of Justice was that to
make sure that individuals like mister Raheemi cannot

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go free, the court might bend
over backwards and loosen or water down the

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interpretive methodology of Heller and Brewin of
texts first and historical analog second that methodology.

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But I don't think it's going to
work out that way, because it

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seemed pretty clear that justices thought that
it was a very straightforward case that if

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you are a danger to society,
you can be disarmed. That there was

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a lot of examples of this going
all the way back to the time of

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the Founding, So it doesn't appear
to be a particularly controversial issue here on

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a related note, it seems to
me that the US Supreme Court is not

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going to get into some of the
natty little questions that can come up in

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these cases, because it sounded as
if they wanted a narrow ruling here they

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would simply say that on its face, eighteen USC. Nine to twenty two

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G eight is constitutional under the Second
Amendment. But I think they're going to

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write something in there that says,
hey, but nevertheless, there's a lot

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of defenses that could be raised in
future. In the future criminal case is

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involved in this commerce clause arguments that
says that they know Congress lacks the authority

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to enact a kind of local domestic
law enforcement statutes. You can see due

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process arguments. In fact, I
should note that several times due process came

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up. What process was afforded to
mister Rahimi in the context of the procurement

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of the state domestic violence restraining order
that arose out of the state of Texas.

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And at the end of the day, I think Justice Barrett really hit

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the nail on the head where she's
basically saying, look, then, are

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you do process down below? Your
client consented to the entry of this order.

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The order specifically says he's not allowed
to have a gun, and he

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signed off and swore to it with
a notary, and there is a sworn

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appetavit that he didn't challenge or disagree
with. So it seems to me the

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due process as a legitimate issue,
and I think the Court acknowledges it is

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a legitimate issue, but it was
not really preserved in this case. I

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think they're going to say that although
the statute is going to be upheld under

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the Second Amendment, there's a whole
lot of as applied challenges that can be

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brought against the government on behalf of
American citizens in various ways. Now,

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from the perspective of the expectations of
the Second Amendment community, I think there

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again was a lot lot of concern
that the Supreme Court would use this case

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to water down or possibly even reject
the brew and methodology. But it's pretty

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clear that's not going to happen.
And I think that one of the best

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tells about this is a comment made
by Justice Barrett about the Brian Range versus

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Garland case which came up today.
Now, the reason why I bring up

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the Brian Range versus Garland case is
because it is the case that the Third

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Circuit Court of Appeals en Bank issued
a decision that says that Brian Range,

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who had been prohibited from possessing firearms
under a different provision of eighteen USC.

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Nine to twenty two G. Keep
in mind that Gun Control Statute eighteen USC.

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Nine to twenty two G is the
list of prohibited people. It includes

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people like those subjects of domestic violence
restraining orders. It also involves felons,

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that's nine twenty two G one,
those that are been dishonably discharged from the

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military, those that have been involuntarily
committed to a mental health institution, and

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so on. So that's what nine
to twenty two G is. So what's

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interesting is this. I think this
is quite telling. Justice Barrett made a

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reference to the Range case. Now, the Range case, as we sit

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here, is up on cert It's
up on a cert petition. The Third

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Circuit entered in order that said that
Brian Range, a non violent felon who

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was convicted something like twenty to twenty
five years ago of failing to disclose something

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like five hundred dollars in income on
an application to the State of Pennsylvania's like

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welfare program, to collect you know, food stamps or some sort of welfare

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and that he failed to disclose that
income. That was, you know,

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he pled guilty to fraud by not
disclosing that and as a consequence, because

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of the penalties that were potentially applicable
under that statute to mister Range, he

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qualified as a felon as that term
is defined by eighteen Usc. Nine twenty

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two g one, So he lost
his gun rights. He brought a lawsuit

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under the Second Amendment, applying bruin
of course, saying that he's entitled to

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his right to keep in their arms
because there's no historical analogue law at the

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time of the founding that says that
nonviolent felons or anyone that's non violent could

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be disarmed permanently. And the Third
Circuit agreed with mister Range and says,

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indeed, in with respect to mister
Range himself, because there's no evidence of

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dangerousness or physical dangerousness or violence or
anything along those lines, we the Third

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Circuit Court of Appeals en banc,
agree that mister Range is entitled to have

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his Second Amendment rights and eighteen Usc. Nine to twenty two g one is

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unconstitutional as applied to mister Range.
Now. The reason why it's very important

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to understand this Range case in conjunction
with the Raheemi case is that both of

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these cases were available for the Department
of Justice to seek search this spring,

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and just the Department of Justice decided
to push the Reheemi case first, and

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they waited until just about, I
don't know, a month ago to seek

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cerch in the Range case, even
though many commentators included myself, pointed out

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that the Range credit case was much
more typical situation and is the case that

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the Supreme Court should take. It
is the case that the Department of Justice

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should push. And the reason why
that's the case is if you look at

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the number of prosecutions and convictions every
year under nine to twenty two G one

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dealing with felons in possession, it
is literally thousands and thousands of people every

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year get caught up in nine twenty
two G one. In contrast, the

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Reheemi case speaks to nine twenty two
G eight and there's only something on the

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order of magnitude of fifteen to thirty. That's one five to thirty, fifteen

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to thirty convictions every year under nine
twenty two G eight, so it's rarely

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used. And I mentioned this because
it is pretty clear from Justice Barrett bringing

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up the Range case even though cert
has not been granted, and the Range

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case, I should note, is
coming up for a conference before the Supreme

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Court on November seventeenth. It's coming
up in just a couple of weeks,

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so I think it's quite telling that
the US Supreme Court is focused on this

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Range case. And I could see
a real scenario where the Supreme Court grants

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CERT in a few weeks to the
Range case. And we see two second

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amendent cases in this term, dealing
with nine twenty two one nine twenty two

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G one the Range case and nine
to twenty two G eight the Raheemi case.

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And now one might say that that
Range case could be held pending the

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outcome of Raheemi, and that would
have been true up until this morning's argument.

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And this is another example where I
point out that it is strangely enough

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that although going into this argument,
I think the Department of Justice was optimistic

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about what the Raheemi case could do
for their gun control agenda, and I

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think the second amendic community was concerned
about what the Supreme Court might do with

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a reheemi case that could cut back
on second amend the race. I actually

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think it may now backfire. And
the reason why I say this is because

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in a colloquy between the Court and
the Solicitor General trying to understand how the

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Department of Justice went from their papers
being that people that are dangerous and unusual

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cannot have guns to I apologize.
In the briefs they were trying to say

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people that were lawbiying, were not
lawbying, or not responsible could lose their

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gun rights to dangerousness and how do
this got how this goten morphed In the

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context of the or argument, the
Solicter General try to explain it away by

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saying, well, what we're what
we're really getting at your honors, was

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in our brief we're trying to say
there's two buckets of people that can be

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disarmed by Congress or by the legislature. The first bucket are those that are

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not law abiding, and those are
people that are convicted of a crime.

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And then the Solicitor General said,
but there's a second bucket. That other

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bucket are those people that are not
responsible. And the distinction that I think

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that the Solicitor General is trying to
make here and argued it, but you'll

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see why I think it's going to
backfire. In one second, she was

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arguing that the Raheemi case is an
example of the latter category where if you

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are not responsible, we can take
away your guns even if there's no criminal

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conviction, because keep in mind that
the nine to twenty two G eight prevents

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you from having a gun even if
you are not criminally convicted. The domestic

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violence restraining order is a civil process, and that civil process gives rise to

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denying your right to keep in bare
arms, which, of course the Supreme

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Words repeatedly said is a fundamental right
on par with other fundamental rights. So

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the interesting thing is the Department of
Justice taking the position that the Raheemi case

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falls into the bucket of those people
that are not responsible Americans. And then

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in contrast, she was arguing that
people that have been convicted, who've been

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conducce evicted of a crime, fall
into the other basket of those people who

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can be disarmed. Those are people
that are not lawbinding. But the problem,

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I think from the Solicitor General's point
of view, and I think Justice

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Barrett picked up on this, which
is why she asked about Range, is

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by delinking responsibil people or irresponsible to
people from law buying or not lawbinding people.

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By creating two buckets there, She's
I think the Solicitor General has basically

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opened the door for the Supreme Court
to take the Range case and the Reheemi

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case, because now the Reheemi case
can be used in this term to clarify

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what it means to be not responsible, which I think is just dangerous,

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and likewise dealing with the non law
binding component, which is really the Range

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case. And I think Barrett sort
of signaled that there's a good chance we

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may see both of these cases this
term, which again I think is ultimately

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favorable for the Second amendmagers prudence to
continue to get these cases because you know,

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in many years we'll see three,
four or five Fourth Amendment cases,

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will see multiple First Amendment cases.
I've never seen a Supreme Court term where

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there's been multiple Second Amendment cases,
and there's really no reason why that can

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not occur. Now. The other
critical thing here, and I just want

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to remind all of you of the
Heller slash ruined methodology. In Heller,

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the Supreme Court concluded that the District
of Columbia's handgun ban was unconstitutional. Now,

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the methodology of interpreting the Second Amendment
that the Heller Court did was originalism,

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and what I mean by that is
they started off with the text of

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the Second Amendment. They defined all
the terms of the text of the Second

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Amendment using eighteenth century lexicography, dictionaries, or other sources. And then after

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that they turned their attention and obviously
they concluded that a handgun was a form

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of arm as in the right of
the people to keep in their arms.

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So then what they did is they
shifted the burden to the garment and said,

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okay, is there any historical tradition
in American law of disarmy people of

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these commonly owned handguns? And they
concluded though there wasn't, and they created

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the incommon use test. But the
way the court did it and Heller was

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again they looked at the text first, and then they look to see,

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is there a historical tradition that could
justify the government being able to regulate handguns

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in some way? And Heller,
is there a historical tradition of banning commonly

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owned arms? And the Heller Court
says no. So I mentioned that because

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this is a very important point to
keep in mind. It's often lost in

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commentary, which is when people talk
about the Bruin methodology, which of course

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arises from the twenty twenty two decision
of Nicsurpa versus Bruin. The Supreme Court's

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methodology've interpreted the second is identical to
Heller's. It's it's the same methodology.

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You start with the text. If
the text is implicated by the monerety gun

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control law, or by the conduct
that the American citizen wants to engage in

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with guns, then the text is
satisfied. The second Amendment is presumptively viewed

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as binding, and the law,
the gun control law is presumptively is presumptively

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viewed as unconstitutional, and that shifts
the burden. It shifts the burden to

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the government. No different than a
criminal case, where if you're indicted or

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charged with a crime, you are
presumed innocent. The burn shifts to the

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government to show that you are guilty
of the crime. Works the same way

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metaphorically here. Once the text implicates
a modern day gun control law, the

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burn shifts to the government, and
the government has to meet its burden.

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So this is the critical part of
Raheemi cases I see it. The question

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is what is the government's burden?
Now we know what the government's burden is

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is a concept. Under the Bruin
case, it says the government's burden is

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to come forth with proof of a
long standing, well established historical tradition going

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back to the founding of a type
of gun control law that is analogous to

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the modern gun control law they're trying
to uphold. So they basically it's a

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comparison of the gun control law in
case of Rahemi eighteen Usc. Nine to

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twenty two G eight. You can't
you lose your gun rights if there's a

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domestic bonds restrain order. You compare
that modern day gun control lag with some

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historical laws going all the way back. Now, obviously, the more narrow

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the analog that you're looking for,
the harder it is for the government to

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satisfy it's burdened once the burden shifts
to it. The broader, more generalized

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analog that government is allowed to use
to justify its moderny gun control law,

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the easier it is for the government
to win. So a major part of

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what was happening at oral argument,
and you could see this with the colloquy

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00:25:30.119 --> 00:25:36.279
going back and forth between Justice Kagan, Justice Sodom R. And Justice brown

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Jackson, with the Solicitor General and
with Matthew Right, the attorney represented mister

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00:25:41.519 --> 00:25:45.400
Raheemi out of the Federal Public Defender's
Office. You saw a lot of colloquy

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on that side of the bench laser
focused on what kind of historical analog or

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what kind of history can be used
to justify a modern day gun control law.

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Now, the first thing, and
I think this is quite telling,

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is is that I think it was
Justice Brown Jackson was concerned and I think

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Justice Kagan expressed concern as well whether
or not you actually need a regulation on

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the books at the time of the
founding or at the relevant time period.

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There can be some debate about the
relevant time period. At the end of

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the thing, I think it's correctly
the founding, But we don't need to

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get into that specifically, because the
truth is, when you're dealing with a

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federal statute, which is what we're
dealing with in Raheemi eighteen USC. Nine

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to twenty two G eight was passed
by Congress, you don't need to get

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into the historical debate of whether or
not post fourteenth Amendment history can potentially be

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relevant to the meaning of the Second
Amendment, because you're dealing with a federal

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statute, and the Second Amendment when
it was adopted seventeen ninety one, applied

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to the federal government, so you
don't need to worry about those fifth fourteenth

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Amendment late nineteenth century historical analog debates. In this context, what's quite interesting

359
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is that Justice Kagan and Justice Brown
Jackson really seemed to be interested in whether

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or not regulations were needed at all. In fact, this was clearly the

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position taken by this Solicitor General where
she was arguing, especially in this particular

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case here where she said that domestic
violence maybe wasn't really considered as a real

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problem at the time of the Founding, which by the way, is not

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true. If you look at some
of the meekest briefs submitted in the Raheemi

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00:27:18.119 --> 00:27:22.279
case, you'll see that domestic violence
was absolutely frowned upon. There was all

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sorts of criminal and civil remedies as
well as religious remedies by the way,

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to deal with domestic vince at the
time of the Founding. So to suggest

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that domestic viance was not considered a
social problem that the founding is simply not

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true. Nevertheless, there was a
lot of back and forth about whether or

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not regulations are actually needed, and
one of the concerns I think Justice Brown

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Jackson really expressed was, well,
wait a minute, this seems odd.

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If there are no regulations, then
can't we look to other historical evidence?

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And I don't know what that other
historical evidence would be. Presumably, you

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know, affidavits or stories by historians
explain what they think the history is.

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But the Supreme Court in brun was
very clear about the type of history specifically,

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it has to be regulations. And
I just want to because I think

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this is important because this is where
the fight was taking place. Is the

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meaning of this language here from Bruin, which again is really just an embellishment

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or a reiteration of the Heller test
and laid out more specifically in Bruin because

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a lot of the lower courts were
not applying this test correctly between two thousand

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00:28:25.599 --> 00:28:27.880
and eight when Heller was decided in
twenty twenty two when Bruin was decided,

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And this is what Bruin said,
and you'll see why this argument became so

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00:28:32.519 --> 00:28:37.799
important. Specifically, they write,
in keeping with heller We the Supreme Court

384
00:28:37.839 --> 00:28:42.200
holds that when the Second Amendments playing
text covers an individual's conduct, the Constitution

385
00:28:42.319 --> 00:28:48.200
presumptively protects the conduct. That's the
presumption right shifts to the government to justify

386
00:28:48.279 --> 00:28:52.599
its regulation. The government, in
this case, Congress, the government may

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00:28:52.640 --> 00:28:57.160
not simply posit that the regulation promotes
an important interest. Rather, the government

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00:28:57.240 --> 00:29:02.200
must demonstrate, and this is the
key, that the regulation is consistent with

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00:29:02.279 --> 00:29:08.000
this nation's historical tradition of firearm regulation. That's what Brewin says. It specifically

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00:29:08.039 --> 00:29:15.359
says nation's historical tradition of firearms regulation. And one of the big issues going

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00:29:15.359 --> 00:29:18.680
on today was that Justice Brown Jackson
justice side of my own Justice Kagan,

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00:29:18.960 --> 00:29:26.240
we're really trying to say that that
framework or that discussion of regulation in Bruin

393
00:29:26.400 --> 00:29:33.720
is not really fair that they could
look at high level generalized views of history

394
00:29:33.759 --> 00:29:36.759
at the time the founding, or
any whatever the relevant time period is to

395
00:29:36.880 --> 00:29:42.240
try to glean principles from American history
to then in turn justify modern day gun

396
00:29:42.279 --> 00:29:47.480
control laws. Now, again,
there's no specific issues along that line in

397
00:29:47.519 --> 00:29:51.799
this case, but it's pretty clear
what the Department of Justice was trying to

398
00:29:51.839 --> 00:29:56.880
do is to try to influence the
way the Rahemi decision will ultimately be written,

399
00:29:57.480 --> 00:30:02.559
to try to say that yes and
d history outside of the context of

400
00:30:02.680 --> 00:30:07.559
actual laws such as state constitutions,
such as the federal constitutions, such as

401
00:30:07.640 --> 00:30:11.119
common law, such as statutes,
that other things other than those things,

402
00:30:11.400 --> 00:30:15.359
those historical items can be considered.
And because of course, if you broaden

403
00:30:15.440 --> 00:30:19.640
the scope of what can be considered
to justify modernity gun control laws, you'd

404
00:30:19.640 --> 00:30:26.680
increase dramatically the odds of modern day
gun control laws being upheld. So let

405
00:30:26.759 --> 00:30:27.759
me carry on. So again,
that was a big issue, but I

406
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don't think it's going to succeed because
it seemed to be based on that comment

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from Justice Gorsuch that there were plenty
of laws at the time of the founding

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00:30:36.119 --> 00:30:40.079
that said that if you were violent
you could be disarmed. They not seem

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00:30:40.079 --> 00:30:42.559
to be allowed of controversy on that
proposition. So I think we are going

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00:30:42.640 --> 00:30:48.079
to see a decision in Raheemi that
says that if you are violent physically violent,

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you can be disarmed at least during
the period of time that you are

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00:30:49.880 --> 00:30:56.160
deemed violent, and that nine twenty
two is facially constitutional. Now, just

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a couple other items I do want
to flag. Some of the people were

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wondering whether or not the decision as
to whether not mister Rahemi himself is part

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00:31:07.200 --> 00:31:11.599
of the people would occur at the
textual level, because again, as I

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pointed out in Bruin and Heller,
you start with to text the Constitution,

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00:31:15.480 --> 00:31:19.000
then once it's satisfied, you shift
to the historical tradition of government regulation of

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00:31:19.039 --> 00:31:23.559
firearms in this country. Now,
the Department of Justice and their briefs was

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00:31:23.599 --> 00:31:29.960
trying to argue that mister Raheemi,
who undeniably is an American citizen, that

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mister Rahemi actually was not part of
the people as in the defense, as

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00:31:36.359 --> 00:31:38.920
in the word or term as it's
used in the second m ie the right

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00:31:38.960 --> 00:31:42.400
of the people to keep in bar
arm shall not be infringed. The Department

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00:31:42.400 --> 00:31:45.960
of Justice in their brief and really
laser focused to say that mister Raheemi,

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00:31:45.960 --> 00:31:51.799
by virtue of his conduct, would
be pulled out textually from the word the

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00:31:51.920 --> 00:31:56.039
people. But that really did not
get a lot of play because I think

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00:31:56.039 --> 00:31:59.720
it's pretty straightforward. If you look
at the Heller case and Bruin, they

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00:31:59.759 --> 00:32:05.559
define the people as basically all American
citizens and then some anyone that's connected in

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00:32:05.599 --> 00:32:08.200
any real continuous way with the United
States, which obviously includes American citizens,

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00:32:08.279 --> 00:32:13.279
are part of the people textually.
And of course keep in mind that the

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00:32:13.359 --> 00:32:15.880
people is not just found in the
Second Amendment. That phrase is also found

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00:32:15.920 --> 00:32:20.039
in the First Amendment and the Fourth
Amendment. And I don't think there's going

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00:32:20.119 --> 00:32:23.200
to be any suggestion that if somebody
who is violent or danger or responsible and

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00:32:23.279 --> 00:32:27.960
gets pulled out of the people textually
from the Second Amendment, they would also

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00:32:28.119 --> 00:32:30.839
theoretically be pulled out of the text
of the First Amendment and the Fourth Amendment,

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00:32:30.920 --> 00:32:34.319
and that would be quite shocking to
a lot of people that have already

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00:32:34.319 --> 00:32:37.200
been convicted of crimes no longer have
Fourth Amendment rights to a search, to

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00:32:37.240 --> 00:32:43.279
assert the exclusionary rule, or arguments
against unreasonable searches and seizures. So I

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00:32:43.319 --> 00:32:45.839
think that the argument DJ made and
spend a lot of time on in the

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00:32:45.839 --> 00:32:49.000
brief is not going to go anywhere
in terms of mister Rhemi is not part

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00:32:49.000 --> 00:32:52.359
of the people. Again, I
think the issue will turn on whether or

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00:32:52.400 --> 00:32:57.480
not historically mister Raheemi can be disarmed
as a matter of the tradition in America

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00:32:57.519 --> 00:33:02.319
of disarming violent people. The other
thing, excuse me, the only other

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00:33:02.359 --> 00:33:06.319
point I will make here. There
were two very powerful arguments that were made

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00:33:06.359 --> 00:33:09.680
in the Amikus briefs that I actually
think will have real play down the road,

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00:33:09.720 --> 00:33:12.920
but not going to have play here, and it's pretty apparent it's not

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00:33:12.920 --> 00:33:16.960
going. One is due process arguments. It's clear that the Supreme Court is

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00:33:16.960 --> 00:33:21.799
interested in what kind of level of
due process might be required before you can

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00:33:21.799 --> 00:33:24.519
be deprived of the fundamental right to
keep in their arms. Obviously we know

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00:33:24.559 --> 00:33:29.880
in the context of those people that
are mentally ill and are involuntarily committed,

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00:33:30.039 --> 00:33:34.640
there's a whole host of protections associated
with that process under what are often known

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00:33:34.640 --> 00:33:39.559
as the Baker Acts or civil commitment
statutes. Those require availability of attorneys and

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00:33:39.680 --> 00:33:43.200
experts, and that they can't afford
it, you know, they're provided with

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00:33:43.240 --> 00:33:46.200
it by the state, a high
standard of clear and convincing evidence, an

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00:33:46.240 --> 00:33:51.039
actual trial, the ability to confront
witnesses, and so on and so on.

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00:33:51.279 --> 00:33:53.119
So I think the due process issue
is going to play a big role

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00:33:53.480 --> 00:33:58.160
in future eighteen USC. Nine to
twenty two and G eight cases. But

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00:33:58.359 --> 00:34:01.599
basically everyone agreed that this had been
waived and wasn't really part of the question

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00:34:01.680 --> 00:34:06.079
presented. It would not be dealt
with in any robust way in the Reheemi

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00:34:06.160 --> 00:34:09.239
case. But look for due process
issues associated with First Amendment, I should

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00:34:09.239 --> 00:34:13.719
say Second Amendment challenges down the road. The other thing that I think is

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00:34:13.840 --> 00:34:17.400
very powerful is there was a very
powerful commerce clause argument using a whole host

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00:34:17.440 --> 00:34:22.519
of precedents, saying that there is
nothing in Article one of the US Constitution

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00:34:22.800 --> 00:34:28.239
that would allow Congress to step in
and do what they're doing visa VI these

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00:34:28.239 --> 00:34:31.400
local law enforcement activities, which of
course nine to twenty two G eight deals

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00:34:31.400 --> 00:34:37.519
with local domestic violence restraining orders done
at the state level or the local level.

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00:34:37.679 --> 00:34:39.599
And I think there is a pretty
good argument based on some commerce clause

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00:34:39.679 --> 00:34:45.679
arguments that have prevailed in the past, including for example, the case involving

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00:34:45.920 --> 00:34:47.920
I think the Violence Against Women's Act. So I do think you we're going

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00:34:47.960 --> 00:34:52.960
to start to see some commerce clause
arguments against some of these federal statutes.

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00:34:52.199 --> 00:34:55.760
Obviously, that argument would not apply
to gun control law and acted at the

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00:34:57.360 --> 00:35:00.159
state level, because you don't have
an Article one prom inter say commerce from

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00:35:00.280 --> 00:35:05.960
in interstate commerce argument but I do
think we should keep our eyes on that

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00:35:06.039 --> 00:35:08.639
coming down the pipe. And with
that said, that is my quick summary.

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00:35:10.639 --> 00:35:15.840
Thank you for listening to this episode
of Scotus Cast. Scotus Cast is

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00:35:15.880 --> 00:35:21.719
a project of the Federalist Society,
a not for profit educational organization of conservative

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00:35:21.800 --> 00:35:27.000
and libertarian law students, law professors, and lawyers, founded upon the principles

477
00:35:27.000 --> 00:35:30.480
that the state exists to preserve freedom, that the separation of governmental powers is

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00:35:30.519 --> 00:35:36.280
central to our constitution, and that
it is emphatically the province and duty of

479
00:35:36.320 --> 00:35:39.199
the judiciary to say what the law
is, not what it should be.

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00:35:40.039 --> 00:35:45.039
Don't forget to subscribe to our podcast
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481
00:35:45.119 --> 00:35:51.119
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482
00:35:51.480 --> 00:35:54.840
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00:35:54.840 --> 00:36:00.559
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00:36:00.679 --> 00:36:14.800
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